m

コロンブス論　その２

　　　　　　　原作：Maurizio Tagliattini　、　　翻訳者：　善家　迪彦

On the eve of his death on May 19, 1506, Christopher in the presence of witnesses and the public notary Pedro de Hinojedo, ratified his last testaments of 1498 and 1502 and codicil that he had drawn on August 25, 1505 (Archive of the Duke of Veragua). The codicil of 1506, handwritten by the Admiral, is of particular importance for the present work because the Admiral added, as a last recollection and in his own hand, a brief list of creditors whom he mentions by name. Except for one, they are all Genoese, men from the old days when he lived in Genoa, Savona, and Portugal, to whom he owed money or favors. Their names are those also mentioned in the notarial deeds which later in the 19th century would be found and coordinated by researchers of the Genoese school whose work of establishing the origin of Columbus will be later brought into perspective.Below is a listing of those names, the intended compensation, and (within parentheses) the date of the corresponding Genoese notarial documents which relate to some of those names: ...to the inheritors of Geronimo del Puerto father of Benito del Puerto, chancellor in Genoa, twenty ducats or its corresponding value (September 22, 1470, notary Giacomo Calvi, Genoa). To Antonio Vazo, Genoese merchant who used to live in Lisbon, 2500 Portuguese reals　　To a Jew (no name) who used to live near the Jewish Gate in Lisbon half a mark of silver to pay for a priest to pray for his soul. To the inheritors of Luis Centurion Escoto, Genoese merchant, 3000 Portuguese reals. To the inheritors of Paulo de Negro, Genoese, five ducats or its corresponding value (August 25, 1479, notary Gerolamo Ventimiglia, Genoa. This is the Genoese deed from which it can be argued that Christopher Columbus was born in 1451.) To Baptista Espindola or his inheritors, if he is dead, 20 ducats. This Baptista Espindola (clarifies the Admiral) is the son-in-law of the above-mentioned Luis Centurion and was the son of master Nicolao Espindola of Locoli de Ronco (Ronco Scrivia) who was in Lisbon in 1482. 彼が死ぬ１５０６年５月１９日の夜、Christopherは証人と公証人のPedro de Hinojedoの前で１４９８年と１５０２年の最後の遺言書と１５０５年８月２５日に記述した遺言補足を批准した（Veragua公爵の古記録）。　提督自身により書かれた１５０６年の遺言補足は今回の研究にとって重要である。なぜなら提督は最後の回想として自書で債権者達の名前の短いリストを書き加えている。一人だけ除くと彼らは皆Genoa人で、若い頃住んだGenoa やSavonaやPortugalの人々でお金や恩義を受けた人々であった。その人々の名前はもちろん公正証書に述べられているが、１９世紀の後半にGenoaの研究者達により見つけられ調整され、彼らのコロンブスの起源を確立する研究は後から述べる。下にこれらの名前と予定の補償とカッコの中にこれらの名前に関係するGenoaの公正証書の日付のリストがある。Genoaの首相でBenito del Puertoの父Geronimo del Puertoの子孫に２０金貨かそれ相応の物（１４７０年９月２２日、公証人 Giacomo Calvi, Genoa）; リスボンに住んでいたGenoaの商人Antonio Vazoには２５００ポルトガル銀貨を；　リスボンのユダヤ門近くに住んでいたユダヤ人に（自分の魂に祈ってくれた牧師）１／２マルクの銀を；　Genoaの商人のLuis Centurion Escotoの子孫に３０００ポルトガル銀貨を；　Genoa人の Paulo de Negroの子孫に５金貨かそれ相応の物（１４７９年８月２５日公証人 Gerolamo Ventimiglia　これはGenoaの公正証書でChristopher Columbusが１４５１年に生まれた事が問題にされている。）　Baptista Espindolaに（もし彼が死亡していれば）又はその子孫に２０金貨。このBaptista Espindolaは（提督は証明している）上記のLuis Centurion の義理の息子で１４８２年にリスボンで生まれたNicolao Espindola of Locoli de Roncoの息子である。 With respect to the authenticity of the Admiral's testament of 1498, Navarrete seems to confirm it by stating that, even though only an unnotarized copy, it had been used in several court proceedings without ever being found to be apocryphal. The codicil of 1506 (which mentions the previous executions of the testament of 1502 and codicil of 1505), I may add, can be considered authentic, having been found in the archives of the Duke of Veragua. The Admiral's two sons, Don Diego and Don Fernando Colon, who had received an aristocratic upbringing as pages at the court passed into history as well-educated men who gained much respect for their prudent but likable personalities. Don Fernando, whose financial position was tied to his older brother's, became a known literary man by writing his father's biography, the famous Historie... When he died in 1539, he left a collection of thousands of precious books, some of which are housed today at the "Biblioteca Colombina" in Seville. Don Diego after the death of his father spent considerable time in and out of court to assert his inherited rights aided by his noble wife Dona Maria de Toledo, the niece of the famous Duke of Alba, a relative of King Ferdinand. Don Diego secured only the title of Second Admiral of the Ocean Sea and, in 1509, became the Governor of Hispaniola. He fathered seven children by his wife and two more with two different women. In 1523, his Governorship was revoked and he returned to Spain where he died in 1526. Let us return now to the main subject of Christopher's origin and family name. After the Admiral returned in 1493 from his first voyage of discovery (elaborated in Chapter 9), he addressed two similar letters in Castillian relating the account of his voyage: one to Luis de Santangel, and the other to Rafael Sanchez to be forwarded to the Spanish Sovereigns. The Sanchez letter reached Italy and was printed in Latin in April of the same year. In this letter, the discoverer was identified for the first time in print as "Christofori Colom." The following June 15, Rome, the Florentine poet Giuliano Dati poetically rendered the discoverer's adventures in vulgar Italian verses, identifying him as "Xpofan Colobo," a Latinization of Cristoforo Colombo (see chapter 9). It would be interesting to know how Dati came to know Christopher's last name, but I speculate that since Christopher had been known to be originally from Genoa, Dati must have looked in that direction. In 1498 the Venetian Marcantonio Coccio (1436-1506), a humanist and historian popularly known as Sabellico, published in Venice his work titled Sabellici Enneades identifying the discoverer as "Christophorus cognomento Columbus, vir rei maritimae assuetus..." (a man accustomed to maritime matters). And in Genoa, probably in 1499, Antonio Gallo, chancellor of the Bank of Saint George, would also identify him as "Christophorus Columbi." Gallo's work De Navigatione Columbi..., however, would not be published until 1733. The other contemporary Genoese historians, namely, Bartolomeo Senarega (official annalist of the republic) and the Bishop Agostino Giustianiani, copied from Gallo and we will analyze their contributions later. １４９８年の提督の遺言書の確実性に関してはNavarreteは次のように述べている。はっきり証明されない一枚のコピーであったが偽物であるのにいくつかの法的手続きに使用されていたと。私はあえて加えるが、１５０６年の遺言補足は（１５０２年の遺言書と１５０５年の遺言補足書が以前に作成遂行された事を述べているが）確実性があると考えられ、Veragua.公爵の書庫の中から見つかっている。提督の２人の息子、Don Diego と Don Fernando Colonは宮廷の給仕として貴族的なしつけを習ったが彼らの用心深い好ましい性格により多くの尊敬を得、良く教育された人として生涯を送った。Don Fernandoは経済的には兄に頼っていたが父の伝記を書くことにより有名な文学者になり、１５３９年に死亡したとき彼は収集した何千冊の貴重な本を残した。それらの内いくつかは今日もSevilleの"Biblioteca Colombina"にある。Don Diegoは父の死後かなりな時間を宮廷に出入りし、相続した権利を妻のDona Maria de Toledo（Ferdinand王の親戚のアルバ公の姪）に援助されながら確約する事に努力した。Don Diegoはただ大海の第二代提督の称号を確保し１５０９年にHispaniola（ヒスパニョーラ島；ハイチとドミニカ）の知事になった。彼は妻との間に７人の子供をもうけ、２人の女性の間に２人の子供ももうけた。１５２３年に知事の職を辞めスペインに帰って１５２６年にそこで死亡している。 　もう一度Christopherの起源と家族名の主題に帰りましょう。提督が１４９３年に最初の発見の航海から帰って後、航海の事に関してカスチリア語で二通の同じ内容の手紙を書いている。一つは Luis de Santangel宛に、もう一つはRafael Sanchez宛でこれはスペイン王家に献上されるようにされていた。Sanchez宛の手紙はイタリアに行きラテン語でその年の４月に印刷されている。この手紙の中で発見者は初めて "Christofori Colom."と印刷され同定される。続いて６月１５日にローマでフローレンスの詩人 Giuliano Datiが発見者の冒険を低俗なイタリア語の詩風の文で書いているが、彼を"Xpofan Colobo,"（つまりChristoforo Colomboのラテン語変換したもの）としている。どうしてDatiがChristopherの姓を知ったのか興味ある事だが、ChristopherがGenoa出身と知られていたので、彼はちょっとその辺に立ち寄ったものと思われる。１４９８年にはヴェネチアのMarcantonio Coccio (1436-1506)（彼は人道家で歴史家で一般にはSabellicoとして知られている）がSabellici Enneadesと題する研究をヴェニスで出版しているが、その中で発見者を "Christophorus cognomento Columbus, vir rei maritimae assuetus..."（海事関係になれた男）としている。更にGenoaでは、たぶん１４９９年に、Saint George銀行の頭取であったAntonio Galloが彼を "Christophorus Columbi."としている。しかしGalloによる航海者Columbiの研究は１７３３年まで出版されなかった。他の当代のGenoaの歴史家達はたとえばBartolomeo Senarega（共和国の公認分析家）や司教のAgostino GiustianianiはGalloから情報を得たのみで、我々は後に彼らの貢献を分析する。 What is both revealing and paradoxical at the same time is that the Italian historian Peter Martyr (who had known Christopher for many years) called the discoverer "Christophorus Colonus." And when Fernando Colon in his Historie... tried to explain to readers why his father was called Colonus, or why he also went by the name of Colon, he resorted to inconclusive guesswork, revealing ignorance on this subject, conceding that "with respect to the truth about such a name and last name it did not come about without some mystery." Imagine this concession from the discoverer's own son who, during the Admiral's last two-year voyage, had shared situations of life and death with him. Now he is a mature man engaged in writing the biography of his father, a famous man, and he must explain to readers his inability to provide basic genealogical data, including the first name of the Admiral's father, which he justifies on the vague religious grounds that "our Lord was pleased that his parents be less known." Fernando Colon took on the task of writing his father's biography for two specified reasons: The first, he writes, because his father had been so occupied and worried about other things he had neither time nor leisure to do it himself. The second, he emphasized, because others had attempted to do it without knowing the true facts. And when he said "others," he specifically singled out the Genoese Dominican friar Agostino Giustiniani, Bishop of Nebbio in Corsica who, in 1516 and again in 1537, had published two works which seemed to Fernando not only untruthful, but to taint the memory of his father. In effect, the only thing that the respected scholar Giustiniani had done was to put into print his Psalterio Poliglotta of 1516. For the first time in Columbian Literature, we have (in addition to obvious errors on the Admiral's discoveries) a few sparse biographical notes. He had stated that "Christophorus Columbus" was a Genoese by nationality and of plebeian　origin, "Vilibus ortus parentibus." Such a characterization, even today, could infuriate a sensitive son. As a consequence, Fernando sought to find a noble origin for his father, hoping to contradict Giustiani. He traveled to Italy, visiting several places where he had located a Colombo of some rank to interview, striving to find relatives of stature that he could call his own. He failed to find any. But why did Fernando look outside of Genoa? In trying to solve this riddle, Harrisse scrupulously investigated Fernando's movements in Italy. He found him in Genoa in December 1520; in Savona on January 2, 1521; on May 1521, in Ferrara; in July of the same year in Venice; and in November in Treviso, et cetera. In 1537, the other work by Giustiniani, Castigatissimi Annali (or brief chronicles) was published, causing Fernando additional pain. Fernando had almost concluded his biography, but now felt he had to include in his work critical answers to Giustiniani. He did so by inserting these answers at the beginning of his Historie... はっきり示しているのに矛盾する事は長年Christopherを知っていたイタリアの歴史家Peter Martyrが発見者を"Christophorus Colonus."と呼んでいた事である。そしてFernando Colonは、彼の歴史書の中で、読者に彼の父がColonusと呼ばれていた理由やColonと言う名前で通した理由を説明しようとした時、その様な名前や姓に関んする真実についてはいくらか謎があるから発生しているとし、この事は無視したくて不確かな推測にしている。提督の最後の２年間の航海の間に、彼と生と死の状態を分け合った発見者自身の息子のこの容認を想像して下さい。いまや彼は有名な父の伝記を書くに充分大人に成っているのに、読者に提督の父の名前を含む基本的な家系図の資料を示すことが出来ない事を説明しなければならない。それを、我々の神は父の両親があまり有名人でない事をお喜びになっている、と言う様な曖昧な宗教上の理由でごまかしている。Fernando Colonは２つの特別な理由により父の伝記を書く仕事に従事した。一つは父が自分でする時間も余暇もなく他のことに非常に夢中になり苦心していた事によると書いている。二番目は他の連中が真実を知らずにそれをしようとしていたからと強調している。そして彼の言う他の連中とは特にGenoa生まれのドミニカ人修道士でコルシカのNebbioの司祭Agostino Giustiniani（彼は１５１６年と１５３７年にFernandoにとっては真実ではないばかりか父の記念を汚すと思われた二つの研究書を発刊している）を名指ししている。結果として尊敬すべき学者の Giustinianiがした仕事は１５１６年に彼のPsalterio Poliglottaを発行した事であった。コロンブスの文献の中で初めて私たちは、２〜３のこんな薄い伝記文（提督の発見に関する明らかな間違いに加えて）を手にした。彼は"Christophorus Columbus"はGenoa国籍で平民であったと述べている。そのような格付けには今日に至っても敏感な息子は激怒したであろう。結果として、FernandoはGuistianiとは反対に父の高貴な出を望んでいた。彼はイタリアを旅行し、高位のコロンボ家を見つけて話をするために何カ所か訪問し、自分が自分と呼ぶにふさわしい形の親戚を捜そうと努力している。彼は何も見つけることが出来なかった。しかしなぜFernandoはGenoa以外を探さなかったのだろうか。これを解決するために、Harrisseは巧妙にFernandoのイタリアでの動きを調べている。彼は１５２０年１２月にFernandoがGenoaに居たのを見つけている。Savonaには１５２１年１月２日に。Ferraraには１５２１年の５月に。同じ年の７月にはヴェニスに。１１月にTrevisoに等々。１５３７年にはGiustinianiのもう一つの研究結果のCastigatissimi Annaliが発行され、Fernandoにとっては更に苦痛をもたらしている。Fernandoは彼の伝記をほとんど完成していたが、その中でGiustinianiに重大な答えを出さなければならないと感じていた。事実彼は伝記の最初にこれらの答えを挿入している。 In the new publication, Giustiniani (who died in 1536 in a shipwreck) had reiterated that "Colobo" of first name Christoforo was of plebeian parentage and justified this assertion by specifying that Columbus's father (who remained nameless) was a woolweaver, while Christoforo himself worked as a silkweaver. In order to cover himself from the anticipated offensive reaction of Fernando, and from whoever else might think his revelations offensive, Giustiniani made it clear he was taking his cues from Antonio Gallo. The prestigious Chancellor of the Bank of Saint George, Gallo was a man beyond reproach. Giustiniani's new work may well have hastened Fernando's death who died only two years later in 1539, overcome by the difficult biographical burden he had imposed upon himself, in addition to attending various other trying tasks for the Crown of Spain. He was fifty-one years old, unmarried and left no heirs. Fernando's reply to Giustiniani was formulated in these terms: I can accept, he conceded, my father being of plebeian origin, but not a "mechanic," meaning a man employed in manual labor. That he could not accept. "My father," he emphasized, with diluted rancor（憎悪）, "may have been of plebeian origin; that is not a disgrace." In this quote of a Biblical passage from the Admiral himself, Fernando reveals his feelings about Giustiniani's new characterization of his father: David the most prudent King, was first a shepherd and afterwards chosen King of Jerusalem, and I am servant to that same Lord who raised him to such dignity. On the charge that his father was engaged in manual labor, Fernando refused to concede. He insisted that a man who could draw maps and execute great designs could only be a man of great intellect and learning. Fernando's defensive approach was reasonable against Giustiniani, who probably thought he was simply recording the truth. As it turned out, these literary exchanges of views between Fernando and Giustiniani represented the first controversy to openly surface on the mysterious origin of the Discoverer. Had Christopher been less secretive and more forward with his future historians about his origin, the main victim would have been Columbian Literature. What today has developed into a mountain of scholarship would probably have remained a small hill! 新刷版の中で、Giustiniani（彼は１５３６年に船が難破して死亡している）は繰り返し述べているが、ChristoforoのColobo家は平民の出でコロンブスの父（彼は世に知られないままであった）は織物職工であり、一方Christoforo自身も絹職工として働いていたとし、自分自身を予想されたFernandoの攻撃から守るため、更にどこの誰が彼の暴露を攻撃的と考えるか解らない事より、GiustinianiはAntonio Galloからヒントを得たとはっきり言っている。威光あるSaint George銀行の頭取Galｌoは非難のしようがない人であった。このGiustinianiの新しい仕事がFernandoの死を早めたのか彼は、色々スペイン国王に尽くす仕事もあり、自分自身に課した伝記出版の重荷にうち負かされたのか２年後の１５３９年に死亡しれている。彼は５１才であった。結婚もせず子は無かった。Giustinianiに対するFernandoの答えは次の如くであった。彼は譲歩しながら”私の父が平民の出であったことは受け入れるが、力仕事に雇われたような機械工ではない。”それが彼には受け入れがたかった。軽い憎悪を込めて強調しているように、”私の父は平民であったかもしれないが、それは不名誉な事ではない”と。提督自身からのこの聖書のくだりの引用して、FernanndoはGiustinianiが述べた父に対する位置ずけに、彼の気持ちを表している。”最も慎重な王のDavidは初めは羊飼いで、後にイェルサレムの王に選ばれた。私も彼を威厳ある人物に育ててくれた同じ神に使えている”と。父が肉体労働に従事したと言う事をFernanndoは認められなかった。彼は図面を引いたり偉大な企画を遂行する事が出来る男は知的で学識もあったに違いないと強調している。たぶん自分は真実を単に記録しただけと言うGiustinianiに対するＦernandoの守りの姿勢は理解できることである。あとで解ったことだが、これらのFernandoとGiustinianiの文学上の見解のやり取りが発見者の謎の起源をあからさまにして最初の議論を持ち出してきた。もしCHristopherがもっと包み隠さず将来の歴史家に彼の起源を示すのに前向きであったら、最大の被害者はコロンブス文学と言う事になっていたし、今日まで研究のために膨大な学資の出費の山になってしまったものが、たぶん小さな丘位ですんでいたであろう。 Giustiniani had given to scholars a key that led to Antonio Gallo. But what actually Gallo knew about Christopher would remain locked up in his diaries until 1733, when finally they were published in the prestigious Rerum Italicarum Scriptores of the Modenese priest Ludovico Antonio Muratori. Now scholars could finally learn the knowledge of Gallo, which had remained secreted away as if in deference to the wishes of the Admiral. According to some scholars, Gallo in fact had known Christopher personally, and probably also his family. His work in the Rerum... appeared (in Latin) in the year 1506 with the title, The navigation of Colombo in the Ocean never before explored. A fairly long composition that today would not affect many scholars, in 1733 this sparse but revealing personal data on the navigator served as the catalyst that propelled a 200-year search for the true Christopher Columbus. Gallo reveals that Christopher was the older of three brothers, Bartolomeo being the second born, and Jacobo (James or Diego) the younger, all of them born in the city of Genoa from plebeian parents. Their father was a woolweaver (as Giustiniani had stated) and all the sons woolcarders (Giustiniani had labeled Christopher a silkweaver). At the age of puberty, "et pubere deinde facti," Cristoforo and Bartolomeo took to the sea (this statement confirms the assertions of Fernando, Christopher himself, Las Casas, et cetera). The first to leave, adds Gallo, was Bartolomeo who went to Lisbon, Portugal, where he painted nautical maps and later persuaded Christopher to join him, instructing him in that profession. The work of Bartolomeo Senarega (the other contemporary Genoese "official" chronicler of the Republic) was also published in the Rerum... but, except for suggesting that Christopher was a "scarzadore" (a vulgar term) rather than "carminatore" (a woolcarder), he literally copied the work of Gallo. Gallo, Senarega, and Giustiniani all shared one common omission: they did not mention the name of Christopher's father, almost as if afraid of revealing the Admiral's long kept secret. I have no way of knowing who, in those early days, was the first to state that Christopher's father was named Domenico; perhaps it was the Discoverer himself or one or both of his two brothers Bartolomeo and Giacomo. We know, however, from legal deeds found in the 19th century that Christopher, while still living in Genoa and Savona, declared himself to be the son of Domenico Colombo. Giustiniani がAntonio Galloへ導くきっかけを学者達に与えました。しかしGalloがどこまでChristopherについて知っていたのかは１７３３年（この年に著名な Rerum Italicarum Scriptores of the Modenese priest Ludovico Antonio Muratoriとしてそれらは発行されている）に彼の日記が発見されるまで不明でした。そこで学者達は、提督の願いに敬服したかのように秘密になっていたGalloの知識を手に入れる事ができました。何人かの学者によるとガロは事実個人的にクリストファーとその家族を知っていた。Rerumの中の彼の研究は大海でのColomboの航海は初めてとの題で１５０６年にラテン語で書かれている。かなり長い論文は今日では多くの学者にはもう真新しい物ではないが、１７３３年にはこの航海者の希少なもっともらしい個人的なデータは、２００年も続いている真のChristopher Columbusの研究を押し進める触媒になった。Galloが言うにはChristopherは３人兄弟の長兄で、Bartolomeoが２番目、Jacobo(James 又はDiego)が３番目でみんな平民の親からGenoa市で生まれている。彼らの父は毛織物職工（Giustiniani は言うには）で３人の息子はその丁稚であった（Giustiniani はChristopherを絹織物職工としている）。青年期にChristoforoと Bartolomeoは海にかり出されている。（この文章はFernando,Christopher自身,Las Casas、その他の主張を確認している）。Galloは加うるに最初に出かけたのはBartolomeoでポルトガルのリスボンへ行き航海地図を描き後にChristopherにも加わるように説得しその職業を教えている。Bartolomeo Senarega （もうひとりの共和国のgenoa人年代記録者）の仕事もRerumの中に書かれていた。しかしChristopherが毛織物職工よりむしろ"scarzadore"であったことを臭わす以外は彼はGalloの仕事をコピーしただけだった。 Gallo, Senarega, そして Giustinianiもみんなひとつのことを省略している。つまり彼らはChristopherの父の名前を述べていない。あたかも提督に隠された長い秘密を暴くのを恐れるかの如くに。最初の頃はだれが最初にChristopherの父の名前がDomenicoであると言ったか知る方法も無かった。たぶんそれは発見者自身であったか、彼の兄弟のBartolomeoや Giacomoのどちらかか双方であったであろう。しかしながら我々は１９世紀に見つかった法的証書からChristopherが未だGenoa やSavonaに住んでいる頃自分をDomenico Colomboの息子と宣言しているのを知っている。 In 1535, the Spanish historian Fernandez de Oviedo (1478-1557), in his Historia General y Natural de Las Indias, libro II, cap. II, fol. ii, states that, according to what he had learned from some Genoese, the father of the discoverer was named Domenico, "Viviendo Dominico Colom, su padre...". Thus Oviedo may have been the first writer to set under the light of print the presumed name of the great discoverer's father. Fernando Colon in his Historie..., published in 1571, surprisingly does not reveal any name for the discoverer's parents. In Chapter I, in fact, he states that: ...since the major part of his undertakings (the Admiral's) were the work of some mystery, so what concerns his name and last name it did not come as well without mystery... In Chapter II, specifically titled, "Who were the father and mother of the Admiral...", Fernando does not reveal the names of Christopher's parents either. Then, finally, in Chapter LXXIII (73), he belatedly (and strangely) reveals Domenico as the father of Bartolomeo. Fernando leaves his readers to wonder why he chose to reveal the name of Bartolomeo's father in Chapter 73 when he could not provide a name for the Admiral's father in Chapter II, which was specifically dedicated to the discoverer's mother and father! This issue of Christopher's paternity is crucial to the present work, and we will return to it later. To summarize, Oviedo in 1535 was able to discover a name for Christopher's father (attributing his unique knowledge to the help of some Genoese), but Giustiniani, Senarega, and particularly Gallo, Martyr, Las Casas, and Fernando, who knew the Admiral intimately, could not "discover" (and certainly they knew more Genoese than Oviedo) a name for him. This fact is indeed remarkable! Nevertheless, events of 1578 related to the Admiral's rights of inheritance popularized the Colombo nomenclature in Italy. In this year, we know there were at least 200 Colombos in the city of Genoa alone (and many more throughout the Republic, Piedmont, and other areas of Italy and the Mediterranean basin), many of whom labored mightily to find documentary proof they were indeed the true relatives of the great discoverer. Their rush was justified, since at stake was the honor of being a descendant of the famous man, an annuity （年金）of 1000 gold doubloons（昔の金貨）, the honorary title of Admiral of the Ocean Sea, and two noble titles, namely Duke of Veragua and Marquese of Jamaica. And the whole lot in perpetuity. １５３５年にスペインの歴史家Fernandez de Oviedo (1478-1557)がHistoria General y Natural de Las Indias, libro II, cap. II, fol. ii,の中で何人かのGenoa人に学んだ所によると発見者の父の名前はDomenicoであると述べている。"Viviendo Dominico Colom, su padre..."かくしてOviedoは偉大な発見者の推定された父の名前を最初に明らかにした人かもしれない。１５７１年Fernando Colonが彼の歴史書の中で発見者の両親の名前を驚くことに明らかにしていない。実際第１章に彼は次のように述べている；---提督の企画の大部分はいくつかの謎をつくる仕事であったので、彼の名前や姓に関して謎なくしてはでてこないと。第２章に特に誰が提督の父と母であったのかと銘打ってFernandoはChristopherの両親のどちらの名前も示さなかった。そして最後に LXXIII (73)章で彼は遅れてBartolomeoの父としてDomenicoをあげている。Fernandoが読者に、第２章では特に発見者の父母に捧げるものであったのに提督の父の名前を示さないでなぜ彼が７３章でBartolomeoの父の名前を示すことを選択したのか疑問を残している。このChristopherの父系の問題は今回の研究には重要な事なので後にもう一度とりあげる。まとめてみると１５３５年にOviedoが幾人かのGenoa人の助けによりChristopherの父の名前を発見する事ができたが、Giustiniani, Senarega, や特に Gallo, Martyr, Las Casas, そして Fernandoらは提督と親密であったにもかかわらず、又OviedoよりもっとGenoa人を多く知っていたのに名前を発見できなかった事は本当に特筆すべき事である。にもかかわらず、提督の相続権に関わる１５７８年の出来事はイタリア中にColomboと言う名前を知れ渡らしめた。この年にGenoaだけでも少なくとも２００軒のColomboさんがあり（Republicや Piedmontやイタリアの他の部分そして地中海沿岸にはもっとたくさんあったが）それらの多くが精力的に偉大な発見者の本当の親類であるという確実な証書を探す事に労力を費やしたのを我々は知っている。彼らの群がった調査は認められ、有名な男の子孫である名誉と１０００金貨の年金と大海の提督の名誉ある称号と更にVeragua 公爵並びに Jamaica侯爵の高貴な称号も頂ける賭であったからたまらない。その上それら全部が永遠にあてがわれる物だった。 One recalls that in his will of 1498, which was ratified in 1506, Cristobal Colon had established a clear line of descendants eligible to claim his rights as inheritors; they were required to be males of the same "lineage." A female could accede to such inherited rights only if a male were no longer available. This turn of events occurred in 1578. Don Diego Colon, the Second Admiral of the Ocean Sea, son of Christopher, had died in 1526. He passed to his first son, Don Luis Colon, the Third Admiral, the family rights. Don Luis went to court, by now a family tradition, to reassert his rights. Emperor Charles V was now occupying the throne of Spain as Charles I, and magnanimous enough (after the intercession of Fernando Colon, a bachelor, and the arbitration of Cardinal Loaysa, President of the Council of the Indies) to grant to the Third Admiral, Don Luis, the title of "Capitan General," equivalent to the Governor General of Hispaniola, but in practice simply an honorary title. Nevertheless, Don Luis sailed for Santo Domingo to assume his new role. To briefly summarize his experiences, he quickly met with so many difficulties that he returned to Spain to assert his rights in court. This time the Emperor finally reached an agreement with Don Luis which was apparently the result of a satisfactory compromise to solve the longstanding issue of the First Admiral's rights. In exchange for the ten percent of the New World's products and titles, which had originally been granted to the great discoverer, Don Luis in 1537 (probably quite happily) accepted in addition to the title of Third Admiral, the titles of Duke of Veragua and Marquise of Jamaica. With these titles he received an annuity of 1000 Spanish gold doubloons in perpetuity. For the record, on February 12, 1830 by Royal Order, the annuity was reduced to 23.400 pesos, and charged against the following treasures: The Philippines 4.000 pesos、Puerto Rico 3.400 pesos、Cuba 16.000 pesos When Spain lost Jamaica to England, the Marquisate of Jamaica dissolved in the wind. By 1912, the annuity was raised (adjusted for inflation) to 24.000 pesos and was still granted in perpetuity to the Duke of Veragua of that time. １５０６年に批准された１４９８年の彼の遺言書の中にCrisrobal Colonは相続者として彼の権利を主張できる子孫についてはっきりと確立していた。それらは家系図の中にある男子である事。女子はもし男子が絶えた時それらの権利を継承可能である事であった。この女子への転換が１５７８年に発生した。Don Diego Colon(第２代提督でChristopherの息子）は１５２６年に死亡している。彼は長男のDon Lui Colonに第３代提督と家族の権利を相続した。Don Luiは、今日まで家族の習わしになっているが、宮廷に行き彼の権利を再主張している。チャールズ５世皇帝はチャールズ１世としてその時スペインの国王であったが充分寛大でFernando Colon男爵とインド諸島議会長のLoaysa枢機卿の裁定仲裁の後に第３代提督のDon LuisにCaptain Generalの称号（Hispaniolaの総知事に相当するが実際は単なる名誉称号にすぎなかった）を授けている。それにもかかわらず、Don Luisは新しい仕事のために本気でサントドミンゴへ出かけている。彼の経験した事を簡単にまとめると、彼は直ぐ多くの困難に直面したため、スペインに帰って宮廷で彼の権利を強く主張した。この時皇帝はDon Luisと最後に協定（これは初代提督の権利問題を解決するに満足な妥協案であったが）を結んでいる。もともと偉大な発見者に授けられた新世界での生産物の１０％と称号の代わりにDon Luisは、たぶん喜んで１５３７年に、第３代提督の称号とVeragua 公爵とJamaica侯爵の称号を受けている。これらの称号と一緒に１０００スペイン金貨の年金を永久に受けることになった。1830年２月１２日にはRoyal Order（宮廷の命令）の記録によると年金は２３４００ペソに減額され、次の様に発行されている；フィリッピンペソ４０００，プエルトリコ　ペソ３４００，キューバペソ　１６０００． スペインがジャマイカを英国に渡したときジャマイカ侯爵の称号は吹っ飛んでしまった。１９１２年にインフレに合わせて年金は２４０００ペソに上げられ、その時のVeragua公爵に永遠に与えられることになった。 Don Diego Colon, the son of the discoverer, had left seven legitimate children: Don Luis, as well as six others, Felipa (a nun), Maria Colon y Toledo, Juana Colon y Toledo, Isabel Colon y Toledo, Cristoval Colon y Toledo, and Diego Colon y Toledo. Don Luis, the Third Admiral and Duke of Veragua, after having lived (to all accounts) a rather dissolute life, including a prison stint in Oran, died without leaving a legitimate son. The inheritance passed on to his brother, Don Cristoval Colon y Toledo, the Fourth Admiral, who had one son, Diego, and one daughter, Francisca. When Don Cristoval died, the rights were passed on to his son Don Diego, the Fifth Admiral. Don Diego, the Fifth Admiral, died in 1578 without progeny and therefore the direct male line of the First Admiral Cristobal Colon, at this time terminated. Dona Francisca Colon, daughter of Don Cristoval Colon y Toledo, the Fourth Admiral, claimed the inheritance and readied herself to do battle in court. But she was not the only Spanish claimant. There were also the descendants of the other three daughters of Don Diego Colon, the Second Admiral, namely, Don Cristoval, son of Maria Colon y Toledo; Don Nuno of Portugal, Count of Gelbes, son of Isabel Colon y Toledo; and the elderly Dona Juana Colon y Toledo. On the throne of Spain sat King Philip II who, some scholars suggest, felt little sympathy for the Spanish nobles or, for that matter, for the idea of a female becoming the Sixth Admiral. It transpired that King Philip had little trouble in finding other pretendents whom he was more willing to support in the Spanish court. Word soon spread throughout Italy; many Colombos, claiming to be direct descendants of the First Admiral, frantically searched notarial archives in order to appear at the Spanish court armed with as much documentation as possible. Once the Colombo last name was accepted as equally valid as that of "Colon," the last name of Christopher (as shown in his testament), the next step was to determine what, in fact, his father's name was. This was the key to start assembling all the proofs of parentage. The name of Christopher's father, of course, also had to be the same name as the father of the two well-known brothers of the discoverer, namely Bartolome and Diego (Jacobo, Giacomo). As earlier confessed, I have been unable to find knowledge of how and when the name Domenico became officially established. I can only paraphrase once more what Christopher's own son concluded after his many speculations and conjectures about his father's parents: he did not know, the subject remained obscure to him. 発見者の息子のDon Diego Colonは７人の正式な子供を残した。Don Luis, その他６人は Felipa (修道女), Maria Colon y Toledo, Juana Colon y Toledo, Isabel Colon y Toledo, Cristoval Colon y Toledo, そして Diego Colon y Toledo 第３代提督でヴェラグア公爵のDon LuisはOranでの刑務所暮らしも含めむしろ身持ちの悪い人生を送り正式な息子が無く死亡した。継承権は彼の兄弟のDon Cristoval Colon y Toledoに渡り彼が第4代提督となり息子Diego と娘Franciscaを残した。Don　Cristovalが死ぬと権利は息子のDon Diegoに渡り第5代提督になった。第5代提督Don Diegoは1578年に子供が無く死亡し初代提督からの男子の系列がここで途絶えた。Dona Francisca Colon(Don Cristoval Colon y Toledoの娘）が継承を申し出て宮廷での戦いに挑んだ。しかし彼女一人がスペイン人の請願者では無かった。第２代提督のDon Diego Colonの他の3人の娘の子孫がいた；要するにMaria Colon y Toledoの息子のDon CristovalとIsabel Colon y Toledoの息子のゲルベス伯爵であったポルトガルのDon Nunoと長女のDona Kuana Colon y Toledoがいた。スペイン王にフィリップ�U世が即位し、ある学者達が言っている様に、彼はスペインの貴族や６番目の提督に女性がなる考えに意を解さなかった。フィリップ王はスペイン宮廷の中で彼が好意的に支持する他の請願者を難なく見つける様な事が漏れ伝えられていた。その事は直ちにイタリア中に広がった。最初の提督の直系と称する多くのColombosさんが、出来るだけ多くの証書を持参しスペイン宮廷に出向くために気が狂った様に資料を捜した。一時は姓のColomboもまたChristpherの姓Colon（遺言に示されているが）と同等に有効とされたが、次の段階は実際に彼の父の名前は何なのか決める事であった。これが系図の全ての資料を集める重要な点であった。Christopherの父の名前はもちろん他の２人の兄弟であるBartolomeoとDiego(Jacobo, Giacomo)の父と同じであらねばならない。初めの頃に述べたようにDomenicoと言う名前がどうして、しかも、いつ公式に認められたか私には解らない。ただ、Chritopherの子供が、父の両親に関して彼は知らなかったしその問題は彼には良くわからないままであったと、多くの推測や憶測のあげくに決めたことはを私はもう一度解りやすく述べる。 Italian pretenders to the inheritance were circumscribed by the fact that most documented evidence revealed that names such as Domenico, Christopher, Bartolomeo, and Jacobo (Giacomo) were fairly common among the Colombos of Italy. The biggest challenge lay in sorting out these names in such a manner that they all belonged to the same family. Eventually two of these pretenders succeeded in actually incorporating a name for Christopher's grandfather as well; a third, even the name of his greatgrandfather. One of three known claimants was Anton Francesco Colombo, a canon and doctor from Piacenza. He had accumulated all the documents pertaining to his predecessors, a Colombo family of farmers owning their own land in Pradello, a hamlet in the province of Piacenza. He presented a genealogy traced back to the 1400s which included a Giovanni Colombo, the grandfather of the discoverer, and also a Bertolino Colombo, his greatgrandfather. Unfortunately for Anton Francesco Colombo, however, he was forced to drop out of the race when he could not produce conclusive evidence relating him to Christopher. Perhaps he reconciled himself with the thought that at least the grandfather of the discoverer could have been the Giovanni Colombo from Pradello. He also failed to produce evidence that the third son of Domenico was named Giacomo. Below is the family tree of the Colombos from Pradello: Bertolino Colombo (1400 ca) Giovanni (his son) Domenico Nicolo' Cristoforo　　 Bartolomeo (unnamed) 　　　 Giovanni 　　Domenichino This family tree is probably the first attributed to Christopher Columbus. We have accounts of the Colombo family of Pradello from Pietro Maria Campi, a canon in Piacenza who recorded them in detail in his work of 1651, Dell'historia ecclesiastica di Piacenza. Campi had met with Anton Francesco Colombo in 1621 and had seen the notarial documentation pertaining to the case which he identified and described. Campi reported that in 1443 Domenico Colombo moved to Genoa and became a seaman; in 1470, his sons Cristoforo and Bartolomeo had gone to sea as well and never returned. Campi further stated that eventually Anton Francesco Colombo was forced to abandon the case before becoming a petitioner at the Court of Spain because the original of a particular document he considered essential to his case was in Genoa. The asking price of 50 "scudi" was beyond the reach of his purse; besides, he was suspicious of becoming the victim of a fraud. This good canon from Piacenza may well have been the first genealogist to produce a family tree for Christopher that included his greatgrandfather; even so, he could not produce for Campi a potential mother for the discoverer. イタリアの継承希望者達は次の事実に取り囲まれていた。それは多くの証書が示しているようにDomenico, Christopher, Bartolomeo, and Jacobo (Giacomo)の様な名前はイタリアのColombo家ではかなりありふれたものであったという事である。これらの名前が全部同じ家族に属する家族を抽出する事は大変な事であった。結局これらの内の２名がChristopherの祖父の名前までが合致する事に成功した。３人目は曾祖父にも合致。３人の申立人の一人はAnton Francesco ColomboでPiacenza出身の聖堂参事会議員で医師であった。彼はPiacenza地方の小さい村のPradelloに自分の土地を所有する農家のコロンボ家で、自分の先祖に関する全ての証書を集めた。彼は１４００年にさかのぼる家系図を提示し発見者の祖父のGiovanni Colomboや曾祖父のBertolino Colomboを示した。しかしながらAnton Francesco Colomboにとって不幸にも彼のChristopherとの関係がはっきりしない事により偽物と言うことになった。たぶん彼は少なくとも発見者の祖父はPradello出のGiovanni Colomboであったに違いないと言う事で調停され諦めた。彼は又Domenicoの３男がGiacomoであったという証拠を提示出来なかった。以下にPradello出身のColombo家の家系図を示す。 Bertolino Colombo (1400 ca) Giovanni (his son) Domenico Nicolo' Cristoforo　　 Bartolomeo (unnamed) 　　　 Giovanni 　　Domenichino この家系図は最初に たぶんChristopher Columbusに帰するとされている。我々はPiacenza出の聖堂参事会議員のPietro Maria Campiが１６５１年の研究（ Dell'historia ecclesiastica di Piacenza）の中で詳細に記録したPradello出身のコロンボ家を調査している。Campiは１６２１年にAnton Francesco Colomboに会って、彼が同定し記述した、この例の公正証書を見ている。Campiは言うには１４４３年にDomenico ColomboはGenoaに移住し船乗りになった。１４７０年に彼の息子のCristoforo とBartolomeoもまた船乗りになりそのまま帰らなかったと。Campiは更に結局Anton Francesco Colomboはスペイン宮殿で請願人となる前に諦める事を余儀なくされたと述べている。なぜなら彼には基本的と思われた特別な証書の原本がGenoaにあったためである。５０イタリア銀貨の願い出料は彼の財布の額を超えていた。その上、彼は詐欺師になるのを恐れていた。このPiaceza出の善良な聖堂参事会議員は曾祖父を含むChristopherの家系図を作り出し、結果的に良い家系図史家であったといえるかもしれない。そうであってもCampiのために発見者の母親と思われる名前を提示する事は出来なかった。 The next claimant was a Bernardo Colombo from the village of Cogoleto on the Italian Riviera, located between Genoa and Savona. We know his account from Felice Isnardi who in 1838 in Pinerolo, Piedmont, published a dissertation on the Colombos of Cogoleto. Bernardo Colombo, writes Isnardi, was a poor peasant. With the help of others who hoped to share the inheritance, Bernardo armed himself with what he hoped was sufficient documentation to become a petitioner and traveled to Spain in 1586 to present his case to the Supreme Council of Madrid. Of course, Isnardi comments apologetically, he did not succeed. Being a poorman, how could he compete with the likes of the Toledos and Gelbes? In his long dissertation of 1838, Isnardi dwells on the analysis of some of the most important of Cogoleto's documents. One in particular is of importance because it is a Domenico Colombo's testament, and it introduces a mother for Christopher. Her name is Maria, wife of Domenico Colombo and daughter of Iacobi Iusti, from Lerdra near Cogoleto, "Maria ejus uxor et filia Iacobi Iusti de Lerdra villa Cogoleti." This testament records Domenico residing at the time in Cogoleto, with three sons, "Christophorum, Bartholomeum et Iacobum nuper natum (just born)." The testament is dated in Cogoleto, August 23, 1449 and notarized by Agostino Chiodo. Another document of Bernardo is dated in Cogoleto, August 25, 1468, notarized by Gaspare Ardissone, and indicates a Domenico Colombo of Cogoleto, son of Giovanni, appearing for a sales contract. On a document dated August 25, 1477, notarized by Antonio Sibantolone, is recorded the name of a Cristoforo Colombo, son of Domenico of Cogoleto. Isnardi also mentions that in the annals of the Dominican fathers of Taggia (dating back to 1460), an entry exists under the year 1498 which translating from the Latin reads: Christopher Columbus a Ligurian from Cogoleto located between Savona and Genoa. I may add that if this entry did exist, it would indicate that from the very early times, Cogoleto attributed to itself the honor of having the great discoverer as its native son. In fact, by perusing the Atlas Novus Mercator printed in "Amsterdami" by "Gerardi Marcatoris" in 1638, I discovered that he identified Cogoleto as: "Coguretto Christophori Columbi patria." In 1650, writes Isnardi, a priest named Antonio Colombo lived in Cogoleto. In the facade of the house that local tradition wants to be the birthplace of Christopher, Antonio had written three inscriptions of which a curious one reads: Unus erat mundus; duo sunt ait iste, fuere. There was but one world; let there be two said he, and it was so. 次の申し出人はGenoa とSavonaの間にあるItalian RivieraのCogoleto村出のBernardo Colomboであった。我々は彼の話を Felice Isnardiから聞いている。彼はPiedomontのPineroloで１８３８年にCogoletoのColombos家についての論文を出している。IsnardiによるとBernardo Colomboは貧しい農民であった。継承の分け前を望んだ他の連中の助けで請願者に成るに充分と期待した証書を携えて、１５８６年にスペインまで旅行しマドリッド最高裁に自分のそれを提示している。もちろんIsnardiは申し訳なさそうに彼が巧くいかなかった事を述べている。貧乏人であるのにどうして彼はToledo やGelbesの方々と競争できたのだろうか。１８３８年の彼の長い論文でIsnardiはCogoletoの証書の最も重要ないくつかの部分の分析をしている。一つ特に重要な事はDomenico Colomboの遺言があり、それはChristopherの母を紹介している。彼女の名前はマリアでDomenico Colomboの妻でIacobi Iustiの娘であり、Cogoletoの近くのLerdra出身である。"Maria ejus uxor et filia Iacobi Iusti de Lerdra villa Cogoleti." この遺言はある時期Domenicoが３人の子供（Christophorumと,Bartholomeum と、ちょうど生まれたばかりのIacobumとCogoletoに住んでいた事を記録している。遺言はCogoletoにて１４４９年８月２３日の日付でAgostino Chiodoにより認証されている。もう一つのBernardoの証書（Cogoletoにて１４６８年８月２５日付け公証人 Gaspare Ardissone）にはCogoletoのDomenico ColomboはGiovanniの息子で商売の契約に現れているとある。Antonio Sibantoloneにより認証された１４７７年の８月２５日付けの証書にはCristoforo Colomboの名前はCogoletoのDomenicoの息子として記録されている。Isnardiは又、１４６０年頃にさかのぼるTaggiaのドミニカ人神父の年代史の中で１４９８年の所にラテン語から翻訳してChristopher ColumbusはSavonaと Genoaの間に位置するCogoleto出身の Liguria人とあるのを指摘している。確かにこれが存在するのであればそれは大変早い時期からCogoletoは偉大な発見者がそこで生まれ、その村出身という名誉を受けてもよいと思う。実際１６３８年に"Gerardi Marcatorisにより書かれたアムステルダムの中のthe Atlas Novus Mercatorを熟読すると、わたしは彼がCogoletoを"Coguretto Christophori Columbi patria."と認証しているのを発見した。Isnardiは１６５０年にCogoletoに住むAntonio Colomboと言う名前の僧侶を記述している。地方の言い伝えはChristopherの生誕の場所であってほしい家の正面にAntonioは３っつの碑文を書いたがその内の一つが面白い。いわくUnus erat mundus; duo sunt ait iste, fuereと。世界はただ一つだが二つあれかしと彼は言っている。そして実際そうであった。 I must restate that Isnardi wrote his dissertation in 1838 at a time when the city of Genoa itself was warming up to assert itself, with its own documentation, to be the true birthplace of Christopher. Isnardi's work, therefore, became part of a growing controversy. However, although I have not examined all of Isnardi's documentation, his work is of considerable importance in this study. In the family tree of Christopher, according to Isnardi, a name for the discoverer's mother appears for the first time: Giovanni (of Cogoleto, dead in 1449) Domenico (residing in Cogoleto in 1449, married to Maria, daughter of Iacobi Iusti of Lerdra near Cogoleto) Cristoforo Bartolome Giacomo (just born) The last of the three Italian claimants of whom some documentation is available was a unique character. His name was Baldassarre Colombo of Cuccaro Monferrato, a small town in Piedmont between Alessandria and Casale. What is remarkable about Baldassarre is that he possessed hardly any valid documentation to support his case. Nevertheless, not only did he travel to Spain practically destitute to present his petition, but he survived to the end of the proceedings. He remained one of the very few last petitioners facing the court, battling no less than Dona Francisca Colon, the very determined daughter of Cristoval Colon, the Fourth Admiral of the Ocean Sea. The uncompromising determination of "Baltasar Colon" (so named in the court papers) must have appeared to many as a character trait that could only belong to a reincarnated Christopher Columbus. The proceedings took place in Madrid, then a small city of 30.000, and must have been a great show with the audience taking enthusiastic sides. Baltasar was presumably quite popular, receiving considerable support not only from his sympathizers, but even from King Philip II himself who eventually agreed to pay him supporting expenses (probably by popular demand) to be (eventually) deducted from his future inheritance. The account of Baldassarre Colombo was written in 1808 by Galleani Napione who published his dissertation, Della patria di Cristoforo Colombo, dissertazione. I was also able to obtain precious information on the case from a 1586 Spanish printing showing a partial transcript of the court's proceedings titled: Apuntamiento del hecho por parte de Don Baltasar Colon, Dona Francisca Colon, Don Cristoval Colon pretensores del Estado de Veragua, en los articulos siguentes que estan vistus (NY Public Library Rare Book Division). Napione points out that Baldassarre was able to convince the court that Cristoforo, in fact, was the son of his Domenico Colombo. The historian writes that two witnesses had apparently been sufficient to prove that Baldassarre's Domenico was the legitimate father of Christopher. From a document presented and dated May 23, 1443, Cuccaro, notarized by Pavone de Bulzano, one can deduce that "Dominico de Columbus," son of the last "Domini Langae," was living in Cuccaro in 1443 and, according to witnesses, had three sons named Cristoforo, Bartolomeo, and Giacomo. 私はIsnardiが１８３８年に彼の論文を書いた時、Genoaにあった証書により町はChristopherの真の生誕地である事を強調して沸き上がった事を又述べなければならない。それゆえにIsnardiの論文はしだいに論議の的になっていった。しかし私はIsnardiの論文を全て検証してはいないが、彼の仕事は私の研究にかなりな重要性をもっている。IsnardiによるとChristopherの家系図の中に発見者の母の名前が初めて出ている。： Giovanni(Cogoletoの、１４４９年死亡）、 Domenico(１４４９年にCogoletoに住んでいてCogoletoの近くのLerdraのIacobi Iustiの娘マリアと結婚していた）、 Cristoforo 、Bartolome 、Giacomo（生まれたばかり） ３番目のイタリアの請願者のいくつかの証書は変わった性格のものであった。彼の名前はBaldassarre Colombo で Cuccaro Monferratoの出で、そこはAlessandria とCasaleの間にある Piedmontの中の小さな町である。Bardassarreで目を引くことは、彼が自分を支持する根拠ある確実な証書をほとんど所持していなかった事である。にもかかわらず彼は自分の請願を提出するためスペインへ貧困旅行したばかりでなく、この請願競争に最後まで生き残っていた。彼は宮廷に出向いた請願者の中でも大変少ない最後まで残った内の一人であった。大海の第４代提督Cristoval Colonの娘とされたDonna Francisca Colonと同等と言わんばかりの戦いであった。Baltasar Colon(宮廷の書類にはこのように書かれていた）の妥協しない決意の性格はChristopher Columbusにのみ属する性格の生まれ変わりとみんなには見られていた。手続きは人口３万の小さな町マドリッドで行われ、熱援する聴衆を前に一大見せ物であった。Baｌtasarはたぶんかなり名前が知れていて彼の同情者からかなりな支持を受けたばかりか、みんなの要請で結果的に将来の相続から差し引かれて経費を払う羽目に成ったPhilip�U世王自身からも支持をうけている。 Baldassarre Colomboの事は１８０８年にGalleani NapioneがDella patria di Cristoforo Colombo, dissertazioneと言う論文を発表して書いている。私もこの人の場合における貴重な情報を、Apuntamiento del hecho por parte de Don Baltasar Colon, Dona Francisca Colon, Don Cristoval Colon pretensores del Estado de Veragua, en los articulos siguentes que estan vistus (New York公立図書稀少本部門)と題する宮廷での手続きの部分的な写本を掲載している１５８６年のスペイン語の印刷物より、得ることが出来た。Napioneは指摘しているがBaldassarreは、Cristoforoが間違いなくDomenico Colomboの息子であったと、宮廷を納得させている。歴史家はこの二つの証拠は充分BaldassarreのDomenicoはChritopherの正しい父である事を明らかに証明していると書いている。Pavone de Bulzanoにより認証された１４４３年５月２３日Cuccaro発の証書により、我々はDomini Lanagseの息子のDominico de Columbusが１４４３年にCuccaroに住んでおり、証言によるとCristoforo, Bartolomeo,Giacomoの３人の子供があった事がわかる。 The testimony of the two witnesses, if my calculation is correct, had to be taken with a grain of salt. Assuming that Christopher was born in 1451 and left home in 1465 at the age of 14--if the two witnesses had then been, say, six years old, they could not be, at the time of their testimony in 1578, any younger than 119! Below is the family tree of Baldassarre Colombo as shown in Napione's work: Lancia Enriotto Franceschino Domenico (living in Cuccaro in 1443) Bonifacio Baldassarre Bonifacio Baldassarre (petitioner) Unfortunately, Baldassarre lost his case as did Dona Francisca. In 1608, the inheritance was granted by the court to Don Nuno of Portugal, Count of Gelbes, who thus became the Sixth Admiral of the Ocean Sea, Duke of Veragua, and Marquis of Jamaica. One may ask why there were no petitioners to the Spanish proceedings from the city of Genoa where Christopher himself said he was born and where in the XIX century most of the documentation on Christopher's family would eventually be found. I have been unable to answer this legitimate historical question although I have perused the works of Genoese chroniclers and historians of the XVI and XVII centuries. The lack of records of Genoese claimants, if any existed, could be one answer. Another possible answer is that, in spite of the fact that Cristobal Colon or Colom had declared himself born in Genoa, the quintessentially prudent Genoese were unsure of his family's real origin and last name. (This assumption I will explore later by examining the work of the Genoese historian, Filippo Casoni [1662-1723].) An important letter published in 1892 by the abbot Angelo Sanguinetti (titled Della Patria di Cristoforo Colombo, annotations and notes by G.B. Fazio) shows that the Government of the Republic of Genoa, by vote of the "Serenissimo Senato," gave instructions by letter in 1586 to their Genoese Ambassador Giambattista Doria in residence at the Spanish Royal Court to contribute his assistance to Genoese subjects petitioning for the inheritance. This letter clearly indicates that the Genoese had accepted Cogoleto as the true birthplace of Christopher Columbus; therefore, one concludes, in 1586 the Genoese as yet had found no documentation whatsoever to assert their claim that Genoa was the actual birthplace: 私の計算が正しければ２人の証人の証言は少し割引きしてとらえられねばならない。Christopherが１４５１年に生まれ１４６５年に１４才で家を出たと仮定して、２人の証人がその時まあ６才とすると１５７８年の証言の時には１１９才以上に成っていることになる。以下はnapioneの研究によるBardassarre Colomboの家系図である。 Lancia Enriotto Franceschino Domenico (１４４３年にCuccaroに住んでいた) Bonifacio Baldassarre Bonifacio Baldassarre (請願者petitioner) 不運にもBaldassarreはDona Franciscaと同じく敗退に終わっている。 　１６０８年に継承権は宮廷によりGelbesの伯爵であったポルトガルのDon Nunoに与えられ、彼は大海の第６代提督となりVeragua公爵並びにJamaica侯爵になった。みなさんはなぜChristopher自身が生まれ、しかもそこで１９世紀に彼の家族に関する証書の多くが見つかったGenoa市からスペインへの手続きをする請願者が出なかったのか質問されるかもしれない。私は１６世紀と１７世紀のGenoaの歴史記録者や歴史家達の仕事を熟読したがこのもっともな歴史の質問に答えられない。もしあったのなら、Genoaの請願者の記録の損失が一つの答えであろう。もう一つの可能性のある答えはCristobal Colon 又はColomはGenoaで生まれたと彼自身宣言した事実にもかかわらず、本当に用心深いGenoa人は彼の家族の出所と姓を知らなかったのかもしれない。（この推測には後にGenoaの歴史家のFilippo Casoni(1662-1723)の研究を調査して、あとから探索する。）1892年 abbot Angelo Sanguinettiにより出版された重要な手紙（ Della Patria di Cristoforo Colomboと題してG.B.Fazioによる注釈や記述もある）はGenoa共和国政府は、"Serenissimo Senato,"での投票により、１５８６年にスペインの王宮に住んでいるGenoaの大使Giambattista Doria宛に手紙で継承権に請願するGenoa人に援助をする様指示している。この手紙ははっきりとGenoa人はCogoletoがChristopher Columbusの本当の生誕地と認めた事を示している。従って人々は、Genoa人が１５８６年にはまだGenoaが実際の生誕地であったとする主張を裏付けるどのような証書も見つけていなかったと結論している。： The Colombo of Cogoleto (Christopher Columbus) who is so great in Spain, as you know, has among other things ordered in his testament, according to our understanding, that in his memory a house (?) of his last name be permanently established in Genoa and that for its support he has assigned a good income; furthermore, it seems that his inheritance is open to his relatives and to those related to his last name. It is said that in Madrid his inheritance is disputed among some Spaniards of his last name and some of our subjects who pretend to be his true relatives. Since this affair is very important and it is righteous to protect our own subjects, we want that you procure a copy of such testament. You will be able to obtain it easily from doctor Scipione Caneva who is at that court. If what we have inferred above is true you must not only obtain the testament but also provide to our Genoeses as much help as you possibly can. Waiting for your news, we know that you will not fail our expectations. This letter is something the Genoese Government "may have done," because I cannot confirm that the original of this letter ever existed. In this regard, it is also important to note that the work of the abbot Sanguinetti was not published until 1892 (Savona), the time when controversy on the birthplace of the discoverer was reaching its apex. However, this letter clearly endorsing Cogoleto in 1586 as the origin of Christopher Columbus is historically compatibile, as late as 1638, with the Mercator Map which stated: "Coguretto Christophori Columbi patria." Concerning the assistance to Genoese subjects that the Senate of Genoa may have been concerned with, this aid appears to have been particularly directed to Bernardo Colombo of Cogoleto and other Genoese expatriates in Spain who may have considered themselves related to the discoverer. To repeat, my research on works of Genoese chroniclers and historians of the XVI and XVII centuries has failed to reveal any trace of Genoese claimants. In fact, in the work of Uberto Foglietta, 1559 (Roma) Di Uberto Foglietta, della Republica di Genova and its revised edition of 1575, Milan), among the famous citizens of Genoa not even Christopher Columbus is recorded! For the historical record, among Genoese Captains mentioned in Foglietta's annals of 1475, there is Biagio D'Assereto, captain of thirteen ships and three galleys who valiantly broke up the Aragonese Armada near Genoa; in 1467, Lazaro Doria with six ships fought the Catalans and acted well, "si comporto' bene"; in 1466, Captain Simone Vignoso, with three ships, was at the service of the Republic of Genoa during the "exploit" in Chios; in 1477, Ludovico di Riparolo, Captain of six galleys acted well, et cetera, to the year 1500. Foglietta was obviously concerned about Genoese captains, but the fact that he never mentioned Christopher Columbus, presumably the most famous of all Genoese captains, is a remarkable omission. ---（皆さんもご存じのようにスペインでは偉大であるCogoleto のColombo(Christopher Columbus)は、我々が理解するには、他の事と共に遺言中に次の様な指示を出している。彼の記憶の中の彼の姓の家はGenoaで永久に確立され、その援助に良い収入をあてがわれる。更に彼の権利の継承権は彼の親類や彼の姓に関係する人に譲渡されるよう開かれている。マドリッドでは彼の継承権は姓が同じ何人かのスペイン人や彼の真の親類と称する我々が述べた人々により議論されている。この事件は大変重要で我々の請願者を保護し立てる事が正しく、我々はあなたが遺言書のコピーを手に入れる事を希望する。あなたは今あの宮殿に住んでいる医師のScipione Canevaさんからそれを簡単に手に入れる事ができる。我々が上に述べた事が正しいと思うなら、あなたは遺言書を得てかGenoa人に出来るだけの援助をしなければならない。あなたの知らせを待っているが、きっとあなたは我々の期待に背かないと信ずる。）-----この手紙はなにやらGenoa政府のやらせの様な気がする。と言うのもこの手紙の原本がはっきりできないからである。これに関して大修道院長Sanguinettiの研究が発見者の出生場所の議論が頂点に達した１８９２年まで発刊されなかった事は記述すべき重要なことである。しかし１５８６年にCogoletoがChristopher Columbusの生誕地を裏付けるこの手紙は１６３８年の遅くになって"Coguretto Christophori Columbi patria."と言っているMercator Mapと歴史的には整合する。Genoaの上院が関心を寄せていたGenoa人の請願者への援助については、特にCogoletoのBernardo Colomboと発見者に自分が関係あると思ったスペインに住む他のGenoa人移住者に対して向けられていた。繰り返すが１６世紀と１７世紀のGenoaの歴史編纂者や歴史家の研究に対する私の調査ではGenoa人の請願者は居なかった。事実、Uberto Foglietta(1559年のDi Uberto Foglietta, della Republica di Genova と１５７５年の改訂版、Milan)の研究の中ではGenoaの有名市民としてChristopher Columbusは記載されて居なかった。歴史記録として、１４７５年のFogliettaの年代記の中で述べられているGenoaの名将群の中に、Genoaの近くの Aragonese Armadaを勇敢にうち破った、１３艘の船と３艘のガリー船団の名将 Biagio D'Asseretoはあった。又、１４６７年に６船団の長Lazaro DoriaはCatalan人と良く戦っている"si comporto' bene"。１４６６年には Simone Vignoso名将が３艘の船を率いてChiosでの功績の時、Republic of Genoa軍に従事していた。１４７７年には６艘のガリー船を率いてLudovico di Riparoloは良く戦った等々１５００年まである。Fogliettaは明らかにGenoaの名将に関心を持っていたがChristopher Columbusについては述べていない事実は、たぶん全てのGenoaの名将の中で最も有名であった人が省かれている事になる。 My research of 15th and 16th century Genoese annalists (apart from Giustiniani, Gallo, and Senarega) has yielded no results either. Nor does the Genoese historian Senator Federico Federici (who died in 1647) offer any information about the Genoese Colombos. The annals of the 18th century Genoese Gianbattista Richeri (like Federici, of Patrician origin) failed to shed more light on the issue; his annals from 1299 to 1502 record the existence of 18 Colombos, but no Domenico or Christopher appears in his Foliatum Notariorum Genuensium (1724 ca.) (original resides at the "Biblioteca Comunale Berio di Genova"). The MS. of Guglielmo Da Cassina includes annals dated from 1191 and offers no lead either. In summary, until we reach the 18th century, heralded by the 1708 work of Genoese annalist Filippo Casoni (1662-1723), the Genoese do not appear concerned about locating the great discoverer's family in the city of Genoa. Nor do they appear preoccupied with whether documents in their notarial archives could prove such existence "with any degree of certainty." Genoese scholars until the time of Casoni, it seems, had a real problem in pairing the name of Colon or Colom with documentation showing the name Colombo. In fact, this uncertainty endured even after 1708 since Casoni's work, which produced a great revelation, was not published until 1799 (Genova). Genoese scholars of the 16th and 17th centuries, one may speculate, waited before pronouncing themselves for the ultimate outcome of the Spanish Court's examination of the documentation presented by the Colombos of Cuccaro and Cogoleto. The verdict of the Court had not been favorable to the Colombos of Cuccaro and Cogoleto. But one determining factor had emerged from the Spanish hearings, namely that not only had the last name of Colombo been accepted as equally valid as the name of Colon, but Spain had also legitimated as legal precedent the name of Domenico as Christopher's father and Giovanni as his grandfather. The city of Genoa had stayed on the sideline, but the fact that Christopher now had a well identified Italian family was a great breakthrough for anyone concerned with his origin. Genoese scholars nevertheless remained extremely cautious about taking a firm position until the 19th century when they could produce "hard genealogical facts" on their own. However, while the Madrid court proceedings were still in progress, the jurisconsult Giulio Salinerio from Savona, Genoa's sister city, published in 1602 (Genoa) some legal deeds related to the Admiral. These had previously been found in the local archives of his city by Giovanni Giacomo Pavese (1566-1612?). Salinerio published these deeds in his work, Adnotationes Iulii Salinerii iureconsul Savonensis ad Cornelium Tacitum. One document dated in Savona, March 2, 1470 (notary Giovanni Gallo), states that Bartolomeo Castegnelli of the last Nicola Fontanabuona bound himself as apprentice to serve his master Domenico Colombo, a woolweaver and tavernkeeper, citizen of Genoa and son of Giovanni from Quinto, until the next Easter. 私の１５と１６世紀のGenoaの年代史家（Giustiniani, Gallo, and Senaregaは除く）に関する調査はどれも実りがなかった。Genoaの歴史家で議員のFederico Federici(１６４７年に死亡）からもGenoaのColombosのことについては何も得られなかった。１８世紀のGenoa人Gianbattista Richeri（Patrician出のFedericiと同じく）の年代記もこの問題を明らかに出来なかった。１２９９〜１５０２年の彼の年代記には１８のColombo家が存在した事を記録しているが、Domenico又は Christopherについては、彼のFoliatum Notariorum Genuensium（１７２４年頃）には書かれていない。（原著は "Biblioteca Comunale Berio di Genova"である）。Guglielmo Da Cassinaの記録は１１９１年からの年代記であるが、これにも記事を認めなかった。まとめると我々は１８世紀になるまで、つまりGenoaの分析家 Filippo Casoni (1662-1723)の１７０８年の研究発表まで、Genoa人は偉大な発見者の家族がGenoa市に住んでいた事に関心を示さなかった。又、かれらの文書館の公正証書がどこまでその存在の可能性を証明するか気にも止めなかったのだ。どうも、Casoniの時代まではGenoaの学者はColon 又はColomと言う名前と証書に記されたColomboと言う名前との繋がりに苦慮していた様だ。事実、この不確かさは、意外な新事実をもたらしたCasoniの研究が１７９９年まで発刊されなかったので、１７０８年以後も続いていた。私は推測するが１６と１７世紀のGenoaの学者達はそれらを発表する前にCuccaroや Cogoletoの Colomboさん達の証書に対するスペイン王宮の最終調査結果を待っていたと思われる。王宮の評決はCuccaroや Cogoletoの Colomboさんには好意的では無かった。しかしスペインの公聴会で一つの決定的な因子が出てきた。それは要するにColomboと言う姓がColonと言う姓と同等に受け入れられたばかりか、スペインは、法的先例となるのだが、Christopherの父の名前をDomenico とし、祖父をGiovanniであると合法的に認めている。Genoa市は観戦していたがChristopherがはっきりとイタリアに家族があった事は彼の出生に関心がある人々には大きな躍進に成った。それでもGenoaの学者達は、１９世紀に彼らが自分自身でしっかりとした系図上の事実を発表するまでは、自信を持つに非常に慎重であった。しかしマドリッドの王宮の作業が進行中であった間に、Genoaの姉妹都市Sabonaの法学者Giulio Salinerioが１６０２年に提督に関するいくつかの法律上の証書を発表した。これらは以前にGiovanni Giacomo Pavese (1566-1612?)によって彼の町（Savona)のとある書庫で見つかっている。SalinerioはAdnotationes Iulii Salinerii iureconsul Savonensis ad Cornelium Tacitumと言う彼の研究の中にこれらの証書を発表している。Savona発１４７０年３月２日付けのある証書（Giovanni Gallo認証）は先のNicola Fontanabounaの子Bartolomeo Castegnelliが丁稚として、師匠の毛織り職人で居酒屋の支配人でGenoaの市民でQuinto出身の、Giovanniの息子であったDomenico Colomboに、次のイースターまで仕えたとある。 This document from Savona represents the first piece of what eventually (once it became integrated with later 19th century documents found "piecemeal" in the archives of Genoa) would become a complex mosaic establishing the most accepted genealogy of the discoverer. Based on a Domenico Colombo as father of Christopher which paternity had been accepted by the Spanish Court, this important document shows multiple levels of implication. It reveals that Domenico is a citizen of Genoa and that his father, named Giovanni, lived in Quinto (a small village on the Riviera five miles south of Genoa) and that any further research for Christopher's past relatives would have to lead in that direction. It further shows that Domenico resided at the time in Savona, working as a tavernkeeper and a woolweaver which latter activity he previously professed in Genoa. It confirms the statement made by Antonio Gallo that Christopher's father was a "textor" or weaver in the wool manufacturing business or "lanifici." A second document from Savona, dated September 10, 1484, states that Giacomo Colombo, son of Domenico a citizen of Genoa, voluntarily pledges and bounds himself for 22 months as an apprentice, "famulus et discipulus" to Luchino Cademartori in order to learn the craft of woolweaver, and that the aforesaid Giacomo was over 16 years of age. Here we have the name of the youngest of the three sons of Domenico also mentioned by Gallo, who stated that Giacomo was the younger, "ac tertium fratrem Jacobum." If Giacomo in 1484 was at least 16 years old, we deduce he could have been born in 1467. A third document dated in Savona, January 26, 1501, states that in that year the neighbors of the Colombo family declare before a magistrate of that city that "Cristofori, Bartolomei et Jacobi de Columbis quondam Dominici, et ipsius heredum..." Or, in substance, that the three sons of the last Domenico, here named, and his heirs are absent from Savona and are known to be living in Spain. The document further explains that "Jacobus" has assumed the Spanish version of his name and is known as Diego: "Jacobum dictum Diegum." With this last document presented by Salinerio, a new family tree for Christopher can be drawn: Giovanni Colombo (from Quinto) Domenico (a woolweaver citizen of Genoa, dead by 1501) Cristoforo Bartolomeo Giacomo (Diego) (In 1501, known to be living in Spain) Savona発の資料は１９世紀の後半になってGenoaの書庫でバラバラで見つかった証書と一度は調整されたが結果的に最も妥当な発見者の家系図を確立するのに複雑なモザイクを作ってしまった最初の一編になっている。スペイン宮廷で認められたDomenico Colombo がChristopheの父と言う事を基本にすると、この重要な資料は幾重にも含蓄がある。それはDomenicoがGenoaの市民で彼の父GiovanniはQuinto（Genoaの南５マイルの Rivieraにある小さな村）に住んでいて、Christopherの過去の親類の更なる調査はそちらの方向に向かわなければならない事を示している。更にDomenicoは宿屋の支配人と毛織物工をSavonaでその時やっていて後者は以前にGenoaで職業としていた事を示している。それはChristopherの父親は織物士か羊毛を作る仕事"lanifici."と言うAntonio Galloの声明を認める事になる。Savona発１４８４年９月１０日付けの２番目の資料はGenoa市民Domenicoの息子Giacomo Colomboが自分からLichino Cademartoriに願い出て、織物工の技術を学ぶため丁稚"famulus et discipulus"として２２ヶ月間従事し、その時彼は１６才を超えていたと述べている。Gallo（彼はGiacomoは長男ではないとのべている "ac tertium fratrem Jacobum."）によっても述べられたがここに我々はDomenicoの３人の子供の末っ子の名前を知ることが出来た。もしGiacomoが１４８４年に少なくとも１６才であったなら我々は彼が１４６７年に生まれたと推測する。 ３番目の資料は１５０１年１月２６日付けSavona発でその年にColombo一家の近隣の者が市長の前で述べていることだが、"Cristofori, Bartolomei et Jacobi de Columbis quondam Dominici, et ipsius heredum..."とある。要は先のDomenicoの３人の息子の名前があり、相続人はみんなSavonaを去りスペインに住んでいるらしいと言うことである。資料は更にJacobusはスペイン風に変換した物で、実はDiegoとして知られている事を説明している。Salinerioにより出された、この最後の資料でChristopherの新しい家系図を示すことができる。 Giovanni Colombo ( Quintoので出身）) Domenico (a woolweaver citizen of Genoa, dead by 1501）（Genoa市民で毛織物工、１５０１年死亡) Cristoforo Bartolomeo Giacomo (Diego)(１５０１年にはスペインに住んでいた) In 1602, then, Salinerio lays claim to the first Savonese connection. This will be of great importance later in the 19th century when the Genoese begin to assert their claim to Columbus. Soon after Salinerio's revelations, however, the Genoese began to stir the waters. In 1614 (six years after the Spanish hearings were concluded), the Genoese Gerolamo Bordoni published in Milan a new Italian edition of Don Fernando Colon's Historie.... Bordoni, according to Giuseppe Pessagno, was the Master of Ceremonies of the Republic of Genoa. He dedicated his work, F. Colombo vita di C. Colombo, to the Most Serene Republic of Genoa. At the beginning of this new edition, he added (possibly for the first time in print) the letters of correspondence dated 1502 between the Bank of Saint George, Christopher and his son Don Diego, as well as excerpts from the testament of "Cristobal Colon" of 1498 and the codicil of 1506. We analyzed these three letters earlier in this chapter: the letter of April 2, 1502, wherein the Admiral signs with his cryptic Roman lettering and "Xpo ferens"; and the two letters of December 8, 1502, addressed by the Bank to "Domino Christoforo... amatissime concivis" and to Don Diego, his son. The name Colombo or Columbus does not appear in any of them. Bordoni, unfortunately, does not add to this correspondence any documentation (if available) relative to the Genoese family of Christopher. For this documentation to become public, another century would have to pass until 1708 when Genoese Filippo Casoni takes on the task of presenting a Genoese genealogy of Christopher's family. He does so in a work which would be posthumously published in Genoa in 1799 titled, Annali della Republica di Genova. The Discoverer's epitome is (just as Gallo's) under the year 1506. Casoni begins this annal with a most revealing statement: Cristoforo Colombo, he writes, ended his days at the age of 60! This abrupt statement, after 200 years of total silence on the part of the Genoese annalists, comes as a dramatic revelation. It clearly implies that, having died in 1506, Christopher must have been born in 1446. But Casoni has many more surprises in store. He attempts to equate the last name "Colom" (used occasionally by the Discoverer) with that of Colombo. Casoni arrives at this intriguing similitude in oblique fashion: The family of the Colombo, "or rather of the Colom," he contrives, has been very honored in the region of Liguria since ancient times! What this clever manipulation of the two last names tries to convey is that "Colom" stands for nothing else but Colombo. With this artifice, his Christopher Colombo is created, and he can now proceed to formulate the discoverer's Genoese genealogy from the documentation which must have been available to him at the time. １６０２年にSalinerioは最初にSavonaの関係に問題を投げかけている。これは１９世紀の後にGenoa人がColumbusとの関わりを主張し始めた時に重要になってくる。しかし、Salinerioの暴露からまもなく、Genoa人は動き始めている（水をかき混ぜ始めている）。スペインの公聴会の結論後６年目の１６１４年に、Genoa人のGerolamo BordiniはMilanでDon Fernando Colonの歴史書の新イタリア版を出版した。Bordoniは、 Giuseppe Pessagnoによると、Genoa共和国の式部官であった。彼は F. Colombo vita di C. Colomboと言う彼の研究をthe Most Serene Republic of Genoaに進呈している。この新版の最初に彼は、たぶん記事の中で初めて、１５０２年付けのSaint George銀行と、Christopherと息子の Don Diegoとの間のやり取りの手紙、並びに１４９８年のCristobal Colonの遺言と１５０６年のその補足の抜粋も付け加えていた。我々はこれらの３っつの手紙についてはこの章の始めの方で分析した。一通は１５０２年４月２日付けで本名を隠したローマ字と "Xpo ferens"と言う提督のサインがある。残りは１５０２年１２月８日の銀行からChristopherと 息子のDiegoに宛てた２通の手紙である。これらの３通にはColombo 又はColumbusと言う名前は見あたらない。残念ながらBordoniはこの手紙にChristopherのGenoaの家族に関する資料は全く加えていない。この資料が公に成るのには、もう１世紀過ぎて１７０８年にGenoaのFilippo CasoniがChristopherの家族のGenoaの家系図を発表するまで待たねばならなかった。彼は１７９９年にAnnali della Republica di Genovaと題する（死後にGenoaで発表された）論文の中で発表している。発見者の概略はGalloの物と同じく１５０６年のものである。Casoniはこの論文を最も目を引く言葉で始めている：Cristoforo Colomboは６０才で生涯を終えたと。この突然の発表は、Genoaの分析家側の２００年の沈黙の後の劇的な暴露になった。それははっきりと１５０６年に死んだChristopherは１４４６年に生まれた事を意味する。しかしCasoniは多くのもっと驚くような資料を保有している。彼は発見者によりしばしば使用されたColomと言う姓と Colomboを同一視しようと試みている。彼はこの興味をそそる類似にちょっと曲がったやり方で対処している。Colombo家、むしろColom家と彼はうまくすり替えているが、は昔からLiguria地方では大変由緒ある家であると。二つの姓のこの巧い操作で伝えたい事はColomはとりもなおさずColomboを示すと言うことである。この工夫により彼のＣhristopher Colomboが作られ、その時彼が利用できた資料から発見者のGenoa人の家系図を作り出している。 Casoni's predecessors had been stymied by the many aliases of the Admiral, i.e., Colom, Colon, Colonus, and Colomo, and they had been unable or unwilling to resort to Casoni's daring assertion. The ancestors of Christopher, Casoni reveals, lived in an area called "Terrarossa" near Nervi on a slope of "Monte Fasce," located somewhere between Moconesi and Fontanabuona which gives the name to the valley where an old tower called the "Colombi" is still located. Christopher's grandfather, he further reveals, was named Giovanni from Quinto who was still alive in 1440. The father, named Domenico, was a citizen of Genoa living in the parish of Santo Stefano (the Benedectine Abbey of Santo Stefano dating from 972 A.D. which still exists today near "Via 20 Settembre" and is now under parochial priests). Now Casoni throws the genealogical bombshell: the mother was named Susanna Fontanarossa, and she was born in Saulo Luogo near Nervi. For many years, Domenico and Susanna "vissero insieme" (lived together, were they not married?) and their first "fruit" was Cristoforo! Obviously Casoni was a qualified and well-respected scholar who knew all too well how to employ the meaning of words. After Christopher, two more "males," according to Casoni, were born: Bartolomeo and Giacomo. Also a daughter (Casoni does not name her, but considerately refers to her as daughter rather than as "female") who married one Giacomo Bavarello. Christopher lived in his parents' house which, the annalist suggests, must have been quite affluent, since Domenico besides his possessions in Quinto had also acquired two houses in Genoa in a good neighborhood and was self-employed in the honorable profession of woolweaving. Nevertheless, he comments, Christopher and Bartholomy disdained such a mundane profession and, following Genoese tradition, went to sea "in 1459." According to Casoni, then, Christopher sailed away to sea more or less at the age of 14, which corresponds with the discoverer's own statement. Below is the new Colombo family tree, according to Casoni: Giovanni (from Quinto alive in 1440) Domenico (a citizen of Genoa, lived with Susanna Fontanarossa, born in Saulo Luogo near Nervi) Cristoforo Bartolomo Giacomo (a daughter, married to Giacomo Bavarello) So in 1779, the munificent Casoni`s work opened a floodgate of information that would feed Columbian Literature for two hundred successive years. We will now document how with the birth of the 19th century, many scholars took full advantage of Casoni`s extraordinary revelations. However, before entering this new century of critical studies pertaining to the origin of the discoverer, it is of importance to briefly resume our chronological paths through the earliest documentation. First was Giulio Salinerio who in 1602 brought to light just a few documents from Savona; then the annals of Pietro Maria Campi in 1651 on Anton Francesco Colombo from Pradello; and lastly Filippo Casoni's work, which would be published posthumously in 1799. Clearly, then, this documented evidence over the course of two centuries appeared as sparingly as the finding of needles in a haystack. This is understandable not only because the research was laborious, but also because literary men and scholars in general have always been reluctant to expose themselves to ridicule or unpleasant criticism. Casoniより以前の学者は提督の多くの別名（ Colom, Colon, Colonus, and Colomo）により困っている。そして彼らはCasoniの無理な主張を受け入れられなかった。Casoniが言うには、Christopherの祖先はMoconesiと Fontanabounaの間あたりの Fasce（Colombiと呼ばれた古い塔が今もある渓谷にその名が付いている）山麓のNervi近くのTerrarossaと言う所に住んでいたと。彼は更にChristopherの祖父がQuinto 出でGiovanniと言われ１４４０年にはまだ生きていたと言っている。Domenicoと言われた父はSanto Stefano(紀元前９７２年建立のベネディクト系Santo Stefano大修道院；今日もVia 20 Settembreの近くに存在し教区の牧師達により運営されている）教区に住むGenoaの市民であった。ここでCasoniは家系図上の爆弾（驚くべき事）を持ち出している。：母はSusanna Fontanarossaと言い、Nervi近くのSaulo Luogoで生まれた。長年DomenicoとSusannaは一緒に生きていたと。（彼らは結婚していなかったのだろうか？）そして彼らの最初の果実Cristoforoがいたと。もちろんCasoniは資格のある充分尊敬された学者で言葉の意味を使い分ける方法を充分知っていた。CasoniによるとChristopherの後に２人の男子が生まれた：Bartolomeoと Giacomo。又一人娘（Casoniはその名前を言っていないが慎重ながら女性と言うより娘と言っている）はGiacomo Bavarelloと結婚したと。Christopherは分析屋が言うにはかなり裕福な両親の家に住んでいた。と言うのもDomenicoはQuintoに財産が有り、更にGenoaに良い隣人に囲まれて２つの家を持っており、毛織物のりっぱな自分の職業に従事していた。にもかかわらず、ChristopherとBartholomyはそんな世俗的な職業を軽蔑しGenoaの伝統に従い１４５９年に船乗りに成ったと彼は述べている。更にCasoniによるとChristopherはおおよそ１４才で船乗りになり海に出ており、これはChristopher自身が述べている事と一致する。以下にCasoniによる新しいColombo家の家系図を示す。 Giovanni ( Quinto 出で 1440年には生きている) Domenico ( Genoaの市民,  Susanna Fontanarossaと一緒に暮らし, Nervi近くの Saulo Luogoで生まれている) Cristoforo Bartolomo Giacomo (娘一人あり  Giacomo Bavarelloと結婚) そこで１７７９年に、物惜しみしないCasoniの仕事は、その後２００年間のColumbus文学の糧となる情報のはけ口を開いたのである。我々は１９世紀になり多くの学者がCasoniの法外な暴露がずいぶん役に立った事を述べましょう。しかし、新しい世紀に行われたChristopherの出生に関する重要な研究に入る前に、初めの方の資料に基づく年代記を簡単に振り返りましょう。まずGuilio Salinerio:彼は１６０２年にＳabonaからの２〜３の証書を明るみに出した。次は１６５１年の Pietro Maria Campi作のPradello出のAnton Francesco Colomboに関する論文。最後にFilippo Casoniの仕事：死亡後１７９９年になって出版されている。明らかにこの２００年間の資料に基づいた証拠はまぐさの山の中で針を探す程少ない物であった。調査は精力的に行われた事は、文学者や学者は馬鹿にされ不愉快な批判を受けることをいつもいやがっていたので、理解できることである。 To my knowledge, the first 19th century publication which appeared in print was the work (already examined) of Galleani Napione (Giovanni Francesco, Count of "Cocconato and Passareto"). Under the auspices of the Imperial Academy of Sciences of Turin, he published his 1808 dissertation on Baldassare Colombo of Cuccaro, detailing this remarkable man`s exploits at the Spanish Court hearings of 1578. With his dissertation, Napione revived the claim of Cuccaro as the true fatherland of the great discoverer, and may have provided the sparkling flame that ignited the interest of 19th century scholars, motivating them to at least challenge his preposterous assertions. Still, scholars came forth reluctantly, as we see in the case of Tommaso Belloro who, after Napione, published additional documentation on Columbus. During my research, I had come across the name Tommaso Belloro, a literary man from Savona who had apparently published a book in Turin in 1810. I hoped he had produced important new findings on this issue. Determined to find his book, I traveled to Italy, where after making various telephone inquiries, was finally succesful in locating it. The product probably of a limited printing, this book upon examination appeared more intriguing than a rare document. When I examined it, I realized at once its cover and preface were as revealing as its contents. For one thing, the author`s name did not appear on the cover, only the names of the owner of the printing press in Turin and the typesetter, who was Genoese. The name of the author, however, had been identified by the library from the preface and written by hand on the cover as G.T. Belloro and catalogued as such. The title on the cover, in itself somewhat ambiguous, reflected in its formulation the evidence of great prudence. In English translation, it reads: Notice of 15 papers concerning "a" Savonese family of the Colombos. Inside, the author dared to be more explicit, the English translation reading: Notice of documents existing in the notarial archives of Savona concerning "the" family of Christopher Columbus. The preface, written in letter format to the publisher in Turin, is a piece of adroit literary craftsmanship in its careful evasiveness, being written by Giuseppe Nervi in the name of his father-in-law, Giovanni Tommaso Belloro "who is not well." Nervi elaborately clarifies the intentions of Belloro, stating: truly he had not intended on his own volition to write this commentary, but the publisher had expressly requested it; that the new findings presented in this book concerning Columbus were naturally inherent in such a "restless subject"; that this commentary, no matter how it ends up being interpreted, will not really matter anyway; and besides, "a panel of prominent literaries from different places, as soon as they are able to get together, will deliberate on it." In any event, paraphrasing Nervi, the documents presented (which he considered indisputably authentic) prove that Christopher Columbus was born on the "Liguria Marittima" (Italian Riviera) and the people of Pradello or Cuccaro should be pleased that Columbus' grandfather Giovanni may have originated in one of these two places. 私の知る限りでは、１９世紀の出版物として出た最初は、Galleani Napione（Giovanni Francesco,  "Cocconato と Passareto"伯爵）の仕事であった。Turinの帝国科学アカデミーの賛助のもとで、彼は１８０８年にCuccaroのBaldassarre Colomboについて、１５７８年に行われたスペイン王宮公聴会でのこの目に付く男の功績を、詳しく述べている論文を刊行した。この論文でNapioneは偉大な発見者の真の祖国としてCuccaroを復活させ、１９世紀の学者の興味を掘り起こす火花となり、少なくとも彼らに不合理な主張に対して挑戦する動機を与えている。しかし、 Columbusの追加資料を発表したTommaso Belloroの場合を見ると解るように、学者達はいやいや求めに応じて立っていた。私は研究中にTommaso Belloroと言う名前に出くわしたが、Savona出身の文学者で１８１０年にTurinで一冊の本を明らかに出版している。私は彼がこの問題に新しい発見を提供してくれると期待していた。彼の本を見つける決心をして、私はイタリアへ出かけた。そこで電話による色々な質問をした後、ついにそれがどこにあるか見つけだす事が出来た。たぶん限定版でこの本は調査してみると希な資料より興味をそそる物でした。私がそれを見たとき、直ちにその表紙と前文を見てその内容と同様に隠されたものを明らかにしそうな事が解りました。一つには著者の名前が表紙に出ておらず、ただTurinの印刷所の所有者の名前とGenoa人の植字工の名前がありました。しかし蔵書館では、著者の名前は前文から同定され、表紙にG.T.Belloroと手書きされ目録がつくられていました。それ自身あまりはっきりしない表紙の題は制作過程で非常に慎重に作られている事を示していた。英語に翻訳すると；SavonaのColombos家に関する１５枚の記録とある。その中身の、著者はあえてはっきり述べているが、（英語の翻訳）　；Christopher Columbusの家族に関するSavonaの公正証書保管所の中にある資料の記述。前文はTurinの発行者に宛てて手紙形式で書かれているが、慎重にあたりさわりない抜け目のない文学者の作品で、人間性が良くなかった義理の父Giovanni Tommaso BelloroにかわってGuiseppe Nerviにより書かれている。Nerviは巧くBolloroの意図を示し述べている；本当に彼はこの記事を自分から書く気持ちはなかったが発刊者はそれを特別に希望していた。Columbusに関するこの本の中の新事実は落ち着かない主題として普通に受け継がれてきた事や、結果的にどう解釈されようとこの記事はあまり重要ではない事や、そして更にいろんな所からの著名な文学者団が一緒に成るやいなやそれを慎重に議論するだろう事などである。とにかくNerviの言う事を解りやすくすると、彼が権威有る物と自認して示した資料はChristopher Columbusが"Liguria Marittima" (Italian Riviera)の生まれで、Pradello 又は Cuccaroの人々はColumbusの父Giovanniがこの二つの場所のどちらかに生まれ住んでいたと言う事を喜ぶべきであると言うのである。 In his conclusions, Belloro disclaims even further his own responsibility by reminding readers that the deeds presented (14 from Savona and one from Genoa) had already been examined by men of the calibre of Pavese, the notary Andrea Siri, Salinerio, Pollero, Verzellino and, finally, by Belloro himself, a distinctive literary man with profound knowledge of such ancient documents. From these legal deeds, asserts Nervi, one can ascertain that Christopher's grandfather lived in Quinto and his father Domenico in Genoa. In 1470 (from what may be deduced from the deed of April 14, 1472, Genoa Not. Ambrogio Garumbero), Domenico "parted from some land sold in Bisagno (near Genoa) and his possessions in Genoa" and established himself in Savona where he lived with his three sons, "Christofaro, Bartolomeo, and Giacomo." Here he joined the local association of wool-manufacturers and woolweavers. In 1473 (March 12, Savona, Not. Federico Castro Delfino), Domenico appears as a master woolweaver, and in 1474 (August 19, Savona Not. Giovanni Ruggero) purchases some land in Valcada, village of leggine, Savona. At an unknown date, Domenico dies in Savona (Belloro presumably guessed). Nervi, unfortunately, made no mention of Christopher's mother as Casoni had done in his revealing annals. Soon after Belloro's publication, a panel of Genoese scholars did, in fact (as noted by Nervi), take on the "restless subject" of Christopher`s origin. These scholars, namely Serra, Carrega, and Piaggio, who were sponsored by the Academy of Sciences, Literature and Arts of Genoa, published their findings in 1812. Their work is titled: Ragionamento... or Reasoning in which is confirmed the general opinion on the Fatherland of Christopher Columbus. In their 53-page report critically analyzing the pretensions of Pradello, Cuccaro, and Cogoleto, the academicians conclude simply that they "concur" with the prior assessment of various other scholars including the American ambassador Barlow, the geographer Haltebrun, the American annalist Holmes, and the erudite writer Corniani. Such scholars as these "no less than us," the Academicians state, believed it certain that Christopher was not only a Genoese by origin, but also by birth. In all fairness to these name-dropping academicians seeking concurrence in the opinions of distinguished authority figures, they did produce important leads which proved their research had been as thorough as possible. They referred to the information obtained by Belloro from the archives of Savona and regretted that Casoni`s revelations were left unsubstantiated. Still they elaborated on Casoni`s findings, implying that Domenico, for example, was married to Susanna Fontanarossa, contrary to Casoni`s statement they were merely "living together." The academicians were prompt to appreciate Casoni's precious information that Domenico had lived in the parish of Santo Stefano, and capitalized on this important historical lead. By concentrating their investigation in this direction, they learned that this parish was in fact during Columbus' time much populated by woolweavers. They also discovered that the records of the Benedictine Abbey of that name (after monks had relinquished it in the 18th century) had been removed to the archives of the city-hall during which relocation many of them had been lost. An ancient manuscript of Genoese genealogies, claims the academicians, confirms these facts. In the past, some footnotes had been added to the MS. by a well-known, respected notary named Piaggio, an ancestor of one of the present investigating academicians. The notary had written that he had seen a baptismal list in the papers of that abbey, ever since lost, with the name of Christopher. And, additionally, that the monks who owned that part of the city had given to a Domenico Colombo a long-term lease (emphyteusis) on a house. Piaggio was correct, state the academicians, since their own examination of some records at the archives (located in a small book of receipts, dated from 1456 to 1489) confirmed that Domenico had paid rent to the monks up until 1489 for a house he inhabited in "vicoletto di Mulcento" or Mulcento alley which his son-in-law later took over. They also discovered that Domenico, concurrently with the house in Mulcento alley, had leased another one near the gate of "Sant' Andrea (or Porta Soprana). But at this point in their search for documentation, the academicians seem to have lost their impetus. Belloroの結論では、Savonaから１４個とGenoaから１つ出てきた証書は手腕家のPaveseや公証人の Andrea Siriや Salinerioや Polleroや Verzellino そして最後に、古い昔の証書に深い知識を有する傑出した文学者であった Belloro自身らにより既に検証されている事を読者に示して、自分の責任を否定している。これらの法的な証書から、NerviはChristopherの祖父がQuintoに住んでいて、父はGenoaに住んでいた事を人々がつきとめるであろと主張している。  1470 年に(, 1472年４月１４日の証書から推測される事だが--- Genoaの公証人 Ambrogio Garumbero)DomenicoはGenoa近くの Bisagnoに有った土地と所有物を売り払い、Savonaに３人の子供（"Christofaro, Bartolomeo, そして Giacomo."）と移り住んで、そこの毛織物製造者や職工達の組合に加入している。 1473 年に(３月１２日--- Savonaの公証人 Federico Castro Delfino)Domenicoは職工長に成っている。 1474年には (８月１９日--- Savonaの公証人 Giovanni Ruggero)SavonaのValcada村に少し土地を買っている。日付は解らないがDomenicoはSavonaで死んでいる（Belloroの推測だが）。運悪くもNerviはChristopherの母について何も述べなかったが、Casoniは論文の中で述べている。NerviによるとBelloroの出版の後すぐに、Genoaの学者達が実際にChristopherの出生に関する決着しない主題に取りかかっている。Serra, Carrega, そして Piaggio等の学者達はGenoa科学アカデミー文学芸術部門の支援を得て、１８１２年に彼らの所見を発表している。彼らの研究の題はChristopher Columbusの祖国に関して一般的常識とされた理由付けについてであった。５３ページに渡る報告で Pradello, Cuccaro, そして Cogoletoの想定を分析している学士院会員達は、それが今までの他の色々な学者達、アメリカ大使のBarlowや地理学者Haltebrunやアメリカの分析家Holmesや博学な作家Corniani等よりすぐれていると簡単に結論している。学士院会員が言うには、優れないとされたこれらの学者達は、ChristopherはGenoa出身ばかりかそこで生まれたと思っていた。多くの著名人の中で著名な権威を得ようとしていたこれらの自分を偉そうに見せかける学士院会員に公明正大に対処すると、確かに彼らの研究が完璧であった事を証明して重要主導権を彼らは得た。彼らはSavonaの書庫からBelloroにより持ち出された情報を参照して、残念ながらCasoniの論文は受け付けられないままであると言っている。それでも彼らは、たとえばDomenicoについて、Casoniは単に一緒に住んでいたと言っているのに、 Susanna Fontanarossaと結婚していたとほのめかす様な言いぶりで、Casoniの発見を詳しく述べている。学士院会員達はCasoniのDomenicoはSanto Stefano教区に住んでいたと言う貴重な情報を直ぐに鵜呑みにして、この歴史的な主導権を確保した。この方向に集中した彼らの調査により、Columbusの時代に実際この教区は織物工が多く住んでいた事が解っている。彼らは又、その名前のBenedict系大修道院の記録（修道士達が１８世紀に手放した後の）が市庁舎の書庫に持ち出され、その際に多くが失われた事を発見している。学士院会員が言う様に、古いGenoaの家系図の写本はこれらの事を裏付けている。過去にはPiaggio(今調査している学士院会員の一人の祖先）の様な良く知られ尊敬された公証人により写本にいくつかの脚注が付け加えられたと言う。公証人はあの大修道院の書類の中の洗礼名リストで、かって失われていた、Christopherの名前を見たと書いていた。さらに加うるに、町のその部分を担当した修道士達はDomenico Colomboに家の長期賃貸しをしていた。学士院会員達が言うには、Piaggioは正しかったと。なぜなら彼らの自らの手による書庫の中のいくつかの記録（１４５６年から１４８９年までの受領書で小さい本の中にあったが）の調査で、Domenicoが１４８９年まで修道士達に彼が住んでいた"vicoletto di Mulcento" 又は Mulcento路地の 家（これは後に法律上の彼の息子に受け継がれている）に対して家賃を払った事を確認している。彼らは更に、DomenicoはMulcento路地の家と同時に"Sant' Andrea (or Porta Soprana)門の近くにもう一軒借りていたのを発見して居る。しかし彼らの資料に対するこの時点の調査で学士院会員達はやる気をなくして勢いを失っている。 Although the academicians revealed no further information on the second house of Domenico, a legal deed found later indicates this house had also been leased from the monks of Santo Stefano and was located just outside the city walls in "Vico Diritto." This document dated January 18, 1455, now resides at the "Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana" Cod. 9452, part II, Not. Giovanni Recco. Today this two-story house with backyard has been restored and is known as the "Casa di Colombo." It is located in "Piazza Dante" just outside the surviving gate of "Porta Soprana." (For further information on the Casa di Colombo, read the comprehensive work of Marcello Staglieno.) In 1812, then, only two years after Belloro's work, offering a Savonese connection, had been published, and the information provided by the academicians on the whereabouts of Domenico in Genoa had been made available in the Ragionamento..., a clear challenge was sounded for further Genoese scholars to take up the gauntlet of Columbus' origin, and carry the battle forward. In 1818, Sig. Luigi Bossi published in Milan his Vita de Cristoforo Colombo. His work, however, based not on new research but commentaries on the Ragionamento... and other previously known information, offers no new leads. In his interesting appendix, he illustrates the early Spanish and Italian letters signed by Christopher. He also comments on the Historie... of Don Fernando Colon and wonders at the strange fact that the biographer chose "for some particular motives" to pull a veil or "tirar un velo" on the obscure origin of his father. Bossi sets the date of Christopher's birth, in Genoa or nearby, of ca. 1445, thus concurring with Casoni. Later the authoritative Harrisse would agree on setting the date at 1446, a chronology which remained generally uncontested until 1887 (and even afterwards) when the Genoese Marquis Marcello Staglieno found evidence in a newly discovered deed that Christopher could have been born before October 31 of the year 1451. In 1819, the Genoese cleric Don Giambattista Spotorno, a new member of the "Genoese School" called to order, so to speak, by the academicians, namely Serra, Carrega, and Piaggio, published in Genoa his work, Della origine e della patria di Cristoforo Colombo. Spotorno gives us inside information about what was really known at the Academic Circle of the Genoese on the birthplace of Christopher. It turns out they could not agree, in fact, whether he had been born in Genoa or nearby. The cleric records the findings up to that time on the thorny issue of Columbus' genealogy. He comments on the Ragionamento..., quite literally copying the most salient parts. So far as new findings in Genoa or elsewhere, he apparently had nothing new to add. From Savona, he excerpts nine of the already known documents, and concludes (contrary to Casoni) that Domenico was a poor man who could not raise 250 lire over a period of five years to pay a debt. He adds that Domenico lived in Savona many years, and in 1474 was still alive and well. In 1823, Spotorno masterminded the Codice Colombo-Americano, published by the city of Genoa, a comprehensive collection of papers pertaining to Christopher Columbus. The book includes the letters in facsimile of the correspondence exchanged between Columbus and the Bank of Saint George as well as a substantial portion of the Spanish documents found by Munoz and Navarrete, whose work is described in Chapter 9. This publication undoubtedly raised great interest in Italy, but does not interest us insofar as it offers no new revelations from the Genoese scholars. 学士院会員達はDomenicoの２番目の家に対して何らの情報も記述していないが、後に見つかった法的証書はこの家をやはりSanto Stefanoの修道士達から借りていて、"Vico Diritto."の市の壁のちょうど外側にあった事を示している。１４５５年１月１８日付けのこの証書はthe "Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana" Cod. 9452, part II, Not. Giovanni Reccoの中に今もある。今日でもこの裏庭付きの２階建ての家は保存されthe "Casa di Colombo."として知られている。それは"Porta Soprana."の未だ残っている門のちょうど外側の "Piazza Dante"の中にある。（the Casa di Colomboについて更に詳しくは Marcello Staglieno.の解りやすい研究を読んで下さい）。Savonaの関連を示すBolloroの研究が発刊され、GenoaのDomenicoの居所に関する学士院会員の情報がthe Ragionamento...で手に入る様になって２年後の１８１２年に、Columbusの出生を弁護し更に前進させるGenoaの学者達のはっきりとした試みが始まった。Sig. Luigi Bossiは１８１８年に Milanで Vita de Cristoforo Colomboを出版した。しかし彼の仕事は新しい研究には基づかずthe Ragionamento... の記述と他の以前の情報に基づく物であったので何も進展しなかった。彼の興味深い追加の中でChristopherのサインのある初期のスペイン語とイタリア語の手紙を見せている。彼は又Don Fernando Colonの歴史書について述べて、伝記学者がある特別な動機で父の曖昧な出生に関するヴェイルをかぶせようとする奇妙な事に困惑している。BossiはChristopherの誕生日をおよそ１４４５年としGenoaかその近傍で生まれたとしてCasoniをうち負かしている。後になって権威有るHarrisseは日付を１４４６年に設定したが、、Genoaの侯爵Marcello Staglienoが新しく発見された証書の中にChristopherが１４５１年の１０月３１日より以前に生まれている事を確認する１８８７年まで（そしてその後さえも）年代記はそのままであった。１８１９年に "Genoese School"の新会員であったGenoaの聖職者Don Giambattista SpotornoがSerra, Carrega, そして Piaggioらの、いわば、学士院会員の注文で、Della origine e della patria di Cristoforo Colomboと題する彼の仕事をGenoaで刊行している。SpotornoはChristopherの生誕地に関してGenoaの学会員が本当に何を知っていたか内密の情報を我々に与えてくれた。彼らは実際は彼がGenoaかその近郊で生まれたかどうかに関して一致していない事が解っている。聖職者（Spotorno)はColumbusの系図に関する困難な問題のその時までの所見を記録している。彼はthe Ragionamento..., について述べ、最も顕著な部分をかなり文学的に模写している。Genoaかどこかの新事実に限っては、彼は何も新しい物を加えなかった。彼は既に知られた９個のSavonaからの資料を引用して、Casinoとは逆に、Domenicoは貧乏で借金を払うのに５年間で２５０リラを用意出来なかったと結論している。更に彼はDomenicoは長い間Savonaに住んでいて１４７４年にはまだ元気に生きていたと加えている。１８２３年にSpotornoはGenoa市刊行のChristopher Columbusに関する書類の解りやすい集大成であるthe Codice Colombo-Americanoに采配を振るっている。その本はColumbusとSaint George銀行との間のやり取りの手紙の模写や、第９章に記述されているが Munoz と Navarreteにより見つけられたスペインの資料の大事な部分を含んでいる。この本の出版は疑いもなくイタリア中に大きな興味を巻き起こしたが、Genoaの学者達より真新しい論文ではなく我々にとっては何の興味もないつまらないものであった。 Fifteen years later, the town of Cogoleto revived its own claim as the birthplace of Columbus. Its patriotic countryman Felice Isnardi published his work of 1838 with a lengthy title that leaves no misunderstanding to Italian readers: Dissertazione onde e' chiarito il luogo preciso della Liguria Marittima Occidentale ove nacque Cristoforo Colombo. If translated into English liberally, the title would read, more or less: Dissertation in which it is clarified that the exact birthplace of Christopher Columbus is Cogoleto! From this work by Isnardi, we earlier obtained information about Bernardo Colombo`s petition to the Spanish court in 1586. We can only speculate about what motivated Isnardi to assert so fervently the "birthrights" of Cogoleto at this particular time. Perhaps it was the pretensions which had been set forth in other places. But Isnardi's patriotic passions may have been directed particularly at the Genoese scholars. Although Genoa had not yet come up with hard facts, the highly successful publication of Codice... had promoted Genoa to the forefront of Columbian scholarship. Thus Isnardi's fervent defense of the primacy of Cogoleto may well reflect his irritation with the composed attitude of the Genoese scholars, their prudent silences, their proverbial pride, which seemed to infer that the entire world should take for granted that Columbus was born in Genoa. Isnardi rested his case for Cogoleto with a statement as unequivocal as the title of his work: "We challenge anyone and 'guai' (great trouble) to whoever will accept our glove!" Genoa did not respond to his challenge, probably because the most important documentation supporting a Genoese Columbus resided in the archives of Savona. No doubt Savona was, in fact, already more than satisfied in being able to prove that the great discoverer, in his long stopover in their city before sailing to fame, had actually been their beloved fellow-citizen. But Savona picked up the glove anyway, beginning in earnest a fierce battle of printed works between literaries which lasted for considerable time. If Christopher himself had been present, he would probably have been anxiously awaiting the outcome, hoping to find out, finally, where his mother Susanna in her wanderings on the Italian Riviera, had settled long enough to give him birth. The Savonese lawyer Giambattista Belloro, brother of Tommaso, acting more or less as Genoese surrogate, armed himself to do battle, publishing in 1839 his Critical review on the dissertation of Felice Isnardi. Belloro created an informed and eloquent answer to Isnardi, supported by deeds which had newly emerged (the battle of the deeds!). Isnardi's now desperate defense quickly began to crumble. Finding the printing presses of the "Stamperia Casamara" of Genoa obviously well-disposed toward his efforts, Belloro published in the same year an appendix to his previous work. In it, he sets Cogoleto's pretense to Columbian supremacy back to 1568, when Bernardo's petition had been rejected by the Spanish Crown for insufficient documentation. If the Belloro-Isnardi squabble should have been a catalyst to stimulate needed research work in Genoa, it unfortunately failed. The War of Independence interfered until the 1861 unification of Italy, which became a Kingdom under King Victor Emmanuel II of the House of Savoy, and Genoa emerged as regional capitol of "Liguria." With nationalistic spirit at high peak, the Genoese School finally developed the determination to establish a team of researchers dedicated to find the legal evidence and settle, once and for all, the issue of Christopher's birthplace. The team was led by the last archivist of the Bank of Saint George, Cornelio Desimoni, who became superintendent of the State Archives of Genoa; it included the Marquis Marcello Staglieno and L.T. Belgrano. Joining their effort in order to certify to the world their findings, was the French-American Henry Harrisse, the internationally known expert on Columbian documentation. Harrisse arrived in Genoa in 1867; in 1888, he had published both in New York and London his Christopher Columbus and the Bank of Saint George, recording the positive results of the Genoese general effort. He had already published these results in French in 1884 under the title, Christophe Colomb son origine.... An Italian version of the 1888 work was also published in Genoa in 1890. １５年後にCogoletoの町はColumbusの生誕地としての主張を蒸し返した。そこの愛郷心強い郷土人Felice Isnardiは、イタリアの読者に誤解のないように、Dissertazione onde e' chiarito il luogo preciso della Liguria Marittima Occidentale ove nacque Cristoforo Colomboと言う長い題で彼の仕事を１８３８年に刊行している。英語風に訳すなら、題はたぶん以下の如くである。；Christopher Columbusの正確な生誕地はCogoletoであると述べられている論文。Isnardiのこの仕事から我々は１５８６年のスペイン王宮へのBernardo Colomboの請願に関する情報を早期に手に入れた。我々は何がIsnardiをしてこの特別な時期にそんなに熱心にCogoletoの生誕地権を主張させたのか考えてみよう。それはたぶん他の場所で進められていた請願工作が原因であった。しかしIsnardiの愛郷的情熱は特にGenoaの学者達に向けられていたのかもしれない。Genoaは未だしっかりとした事実をつかんでいなかったが、Codice...の刊行の大成功がGenoaにColumbus奨励研究の先鋒を担がせた。かくしてIsnardiの熱心なCogoleto第一の守りに対し、全世界はColumbusがGenoaに生まれた事を認めていると言わんばかりのGenoaの学者達の結託した態度や慎重な沈黙や名うてのプライドが彼をいらだたしている。Isnardiは彼の論文の題　”我々は誰とでも戦い、また挑戦してくる人に必要な困難とも戦う”　と同様な曖昧な言い方でCogoletoを主張し続けるている。Genoaは彼の挑戦に無反応であった。たぶんGenoa人コロンブスを支える最も重要な資料がSabonaの書庫に有ったからである。疑いもなくSavonaは、偉大な発見者が名声に向かって船出する前にSavonaに長く留まっており、実際に彼らの親愛なる市民仲間であった事を証明できて充分満足していた。しかしSavonaはとにかく挑戦に立ち上がり、かなり長く続いた対立する（主張）文学者間の激しい出版競争を熱心に始めている。もしChristopher自身が居たなら、イタリアのRivieraをうろうろした母Susannaが充分長く住んで彼を産んだ所を見つけてくれる事を期待しながら、結果を待つのにいらいらしたであろう。Savonaの法律家のGiambattista Belloro（Tommaso B.の兄弟）は、多少Genoaの代理人風に装い、戦いの用意をして、１８３９年にFelice Isnardiの論文に関する重要な批評を出版している。新しく出てきた証書に支えられて、BelloroはIsnardiに通知された雄弁な答えを出している（証書戦争）。いまやIsnardiの必死の守りは早い勢いで壊れ始めた。明らかに彼の努力に同情的であったGenoaの the "Stamperia Casamara"と言う刊行物を見て、同年にBolloroは彼の前の仕事に追加文を発行した。その中で彼はCogoleto説が１５６８年にさかのぼってコロンブスに関する主導権があるとしている。この年（１５６８年）にBernardoの請願は充分な資料がない事でスペイン王により却下されている。たとえBelloroと Isnardiの論争がGenoaでの必要とされた調査を刺激したとしても、それは運悪く失敗に終わった。１８６１年まで独立戦争がイタリアの統一を妨害し、イタリアはSavoy家のVictor Emmanuel �U世王の領地に成り、GenoaはLiguria地方の主都になった。国家主義精神が高潮して、Genoaの学校はついに調査団を作ってChristopherの生誕地の問題に法的な証拠を見つけきっぱりと決着しようとした。調査団はSaint George銀行の最後の記録保管人 Cornelio Desimoniが団長で、彼はGenoaの記録保管所の所長になった。 Marcello Staglieno 侯爵や L.T. Belgrano侯爵も含まれていた。彼らの所見を世の中に証明するための努力をしたのが、国際的にコロンブス文献の専門家として知られたフランス人のアメリカ人Henry Harrisseであった。Harrisseは１８６７年にGenoaに到着した。１８８８年にニューヨークとロンドンで、Genoaの人々の努力の良い結果を記録して、Christopher Columbus と Saint George銀行について出版している。彼は１８８４年に既にフランスでこれらの結果をChristophe Colomb son origine.... と言う題で出版していた。また１８８８年のイタリア語版は１８９０年にGenoaで刊行されている。 Recounting his experiences in Genoa, Harrisse uses the collective "we," including Desimoni, Staglieno and Belgrano. They had gone to work examining "mountains of bundles of documents" at the Bank of Saint George including tax collections, which had been one of the responsibilities of the defunct Bank. They also poured over the "Tabella Defunctorum," or the listing of the deceased. Their efforts at the Bank, however, yielded very few results. The most important documents, Harrisse reveals, were found in the Special Section of the Notarial Archives, where all deeds were collected after the death of each public notary. Summarizing their findings in his work, Harrisse described dozens of new documents, but uncovered no new legal evidence that Christopher was born in Genoa. However, a document of great importance was found, I may add, by Staglieno who published it in 1887 in the Giornale Ligustico A.XIV, p. 239. Dated October 31, 1470 Not. Nicola Raggio, this document shows that a Christopher Columbus, son of Domenico, was at that date "over" 19 years old. This established that Christopher's date of birth had to be between 1446 and 1451 (the lengthy Genoese statutes of the time contained different majorities, reaching to the age of 25). Harrisse opted for a birthdate after May 24, 1446 and before March 20, 1447. The other luminary of the time, Henry Vignaud, argued instead for a birthdate of 1451. In any event, this new finding by Staglieno would tax the skill of scholars and stir up controversy at least until 1904. In this year, the scholarly journal Giornale Storico e Letterario della Liguria... La Spezia, 1904, 25ma, vol. 5, pp. 5-16, announced a great new find on the birthdate of Christopher by the Genoese General Ugo Assereto. Sometime toward the end of the century, while searching for ancestral documents, the General found in his hands what turned out to be a highly revelatory document. This "Assereto Document," dated Genoa, August 25, 1479, Not. Gerolamo Ventimiglia, indicated that a Christopher Columbus of an unnamed father declared to be at that time a citizen of Genoa "approximately" 27 years old. Once compared with the Staglieno find of 1887, this precious new evidence set the birthdate between August 26 and October 30, 1451. Unfortunately for the present work, Harrisse maintained his preference for his 1446 dating. He died in 1910 without expressing in print, to my knowledge, his authoritative opinion about this amazingly lucky find. Although the Assereto Document is a legal deed, it fails to record the paternity of Christopher, an omission which continues to arouse scholarly attention even now. A summary of the relevant facts derived from the latest finds of Genoese researchers (which are still considered generally valid today) is provided by the 1926 work of the Genoese Giuseppe Pessagno. These conclusions as well as his own further studies were published in the Miscellanea Storica-Atti della Societa' Ligure di Storia Patria, vol. III. Fundamentally, Pessagno states in his general work, "the Columbian question, apart from useless polemic, is reduced to the following points": Columbus was born in Genoa in 1451 from Domenico of Giovanni and Susanna Fontanarossa of Iacobo. He had three brothers, Bartolomeo, Giacomo, Giovanni-Pellegrino, and a sister, Bianchettina, who married Giacomo Bavarello. His father Domenico, a woolweaver by profession and moonlighting as an innkeeper, also served two short terms as the keeper of Olivella's Gate, not far from his residence in Mulcento alley. He was appointed for this post by the city of Genoa. His other house was in Vico Diritto outside Saint Andrea`s Gate, or Porta Soprana. Regarding the history of Columbus during the early years of his life, Pessagno provides this assessment of his whereabouts: in 1465, the 14-year-old Columbus sailed for what must have been short voyages since, in 1473, he was still working in Savona. From 1473 to 1475, he may have joined the Genoese naval expeditions to the island of Chios in the Levant. In 1476, he was probably on board ships of the Genoese merchants Spinola and Di Negro, in a convoy directed to England. His ship was attacked near Cape S. Vicente, was on fire and sinking, but Columbus survived by swimming to shore, later reaching Lisbon. In 1477, on ships probably owned by Doria, he navigated to Bristol, perhaps (Pessagno is suspicious) reaching as far as 100 miles west of Iceland. In 1478, in the services of Di Negro, Columbus reached the Portugese Island of Madera; in 1479, he was in Genoa (Assereto Document) where he testified on behalf of Paolo Di Negro. Genoaの経験を詳しく話すとき、HarrisseはDesimoniや Staglienoや Belgranoを含む”我々”と言う集合形を使用している。彼らはSaint George銀行にある資料の山（その中には現存しない銀行の責任の一つであった税の徴収資料も含む）を検証に出かけた。彼らは又"Tabella Defunctorum,"におしかけて病人のリストを調べている。しかし彼らの銀行での努力はあまり実りは無かった。Harrisseが言うには最も重要な資料は、全ての資料がそれぞれの公証人の死後に集められた公正証書庫の特別な場所に存在した。彼の論文中の彼らの発見を要約すると、Harrisseは何ダースもの資料を記述したが、ChristopherがGenoaに生まれたという新しい法的証拠になる物は何も無かった。しかし、私は加えるが、 Staglienoにより大変重要な資料が見つけられている。彼はthe Giornale Ligustico A.XIV, （p. 239. １４７０年１０月３１日付け 公証人 Nicola Raggio）を１８８７年に発刊して、Domenicoの息子の Christopher　Columbusはその日に１９才を超えていた事を示している。これはChristopherの誕生日が１４４６年から１４５１年の間にある事を確立した。（長いGenoaの色々な成人の時に関する規則では、２５才になっている）。Harrisseは誕生日を１４４６年５月２４日から１４４７年３月２０日の間を選択した。その時の権威者Henry Vignaudは、かわりに、１４５１年の誕生日を主張した。とにかくStaglienoによる新発見は少なくとも１９０４年まで学者に重荷を負わし論議を起こした。この年（１９０４）に学術雑誌Giornale Storico e Letterario della Liguria... La Spezia,（ 1904年３月２５日第５巻 pp. 5-16）は Genoaの将軍 Ugo AsseretoによるChristopherの誕生日に関する新事実を発表した。世紀末頃に、昔の資料を調べていて、将軍は手元にあった大変思いがけない資料を見つけた。この１４７９年８月２５日Genoa発の"Asseretoの資料"（公証人Gerolamo Ventimiglia確認）には、父が解らないChristopher Columbus はその時Genoaの市民で２７才であると公表したと書いている。いったん１８８７年のStaglienoの発見と比べて、この貴重な新事実は誕生日を１４５１年の８月２６日から１０月３０日の間にしている。今回の研究にとって不運にも、Harrisseは１４４６年説を主張した。彼は１９１０年に、私の記憶では、この驚くべき幸運な発見に関する彼の権威有る意見を刊行せずに死亡している。Asseretoの資料は法的証書であるがChristopherの父に関する記録が無く、その省略が今日まで学問的注意を喚起し続けている。Genoaの研究者達の最新見解による関係事項の要約は（それらは今日でも一般に有効と見なされているが）GenoaのGiuseppe Pessagnoにより１９２６年の仕事として出版された。これらの決定と彼の更なる研究はMiscellanea Storica-Atti della Societa' Ligure di Storia Patria, vol. III.として出版されている。元々Pessagnoは全体の仕事の中で、コロンブスに関する質問は、無駄な論争から切り離して、次のような点に要約解決されると言っている。Columbus は１４５１年にGenoa でGiovanni の息子DomenicoとIacoboの娘Susanna Fontanarossaの間に生まれた。彼は３人兄弟があり、名前はBartolomeo, Giacomo, Giovanni-Pellegrinoで、 Giacomo Bavarelloと結婚した妹の Bianchettinaもあった。彼の父Domenicoは毛織物工で宿の管理人として夜間の副業を持ち、Mulcento小路の彼の住まいから遠くない Olivella 門の管理人も短い期間だが２回勤めている。彼はGenoa市によりこの仕事をあてがわれていた。彼の他の家はSaint Abdrea門の外のVico Dirittoか Porta Sopranaにあった。コロンブスの若い頃の歴史について、Pessagnoは彼の居所に関してこんなに評論している。；１４６５年に１４才のコロンブスは、１４７３年には彼はSavonaでまだ働いていたので、短い航海に出ている。１４７３年から１４７５年までGenoa海軍の遠征に参加してLevantの Chios島へ出かけている。１４７６年には彼はたぶんGenoaの商人Spinola とDi Negroのイギリスへ向かった護衛船に乗っていた。彼の船はS.Vicente岬付近で襲われ火災を起こして沈んだが、コロンブスは岸に泳いで助かり後にリスボンに到着している。１４７７年たぶんDoria人所有の船に乗りブリストルに航海し、Pessagnoは疑っているが、アイスランドの西１００マイルまで到達している。１４７８年にDi Negroの仕事中にポルトガルの島Maderaに到達している。１４７９年には彼が言うにはGenoaに居て（Assereto資料）彼はPaolo Di Negroの代わりに証言した。 After this brief summary of Pessagno`s conclusions, we arrive in the chronology of events to the 1932 work, Colombo, published by the city of Genoa. For all practical purposes, our literary journey has now come full circle back to the first Genoese work introduced in this chapter. "Dulcis in fundo,"--I will now make my own critical contribution to the study of the origin of Christopher Columbus. In my interpretation, a 525-year-old document (probably first published by Giambattista Belloro in his 1839 work) offers compelling proof that the discoverer was in fact born out of wedlock and abandoned by his real father, a father most probably he never knew, although he carried his family name. In this Latin document dated in Savona, August 7, 1473, Not. Pietro Corsaro, Susanna Fontanarossa agrees to the sale of rights to the house which her husband Domenico Colombo leased in Mulcento Alley near Olivella's Gate. Susanna is present with only two (of their five) children to give their legal authorization to the transaction. The two children are identified as "Cristoforo and Giovanni Pellegrino," sons of the aforesaid parents. In addition to her husband Domenico Colombo, there are two witnesses, namely Bartolomeo De Cademartori and Pascuale Di Castagnello from Fontanabuona, both of whom knew Susanna and are acting in her behalf. This basically summarizes the content of the two-page notarial deed. As clearly shown in its original text (and my English translation) and the photocopy of the original deed presented below, the notary has curiously crossed out the names of "Cristoforo and Giovanni Pellegrino," as well as other critical passages relating to their paternity. Latin transcript with the parts crossed out by the Notary emphasized: In nomine Domini, amen. Anno salutiffere nativitatis eiusdem millesimo quadringentesimo septuagessimo tercio, indicione sexta secundum cursum civitatis Saone, die vero sabati, septima mesis augusti. Sozana filia quondam Iacobi de Fontanarubea de Bezagno et uxor Dominici de Columbo de Ianua, ac Christoforus et Iohannes Pelegrinus filii dictorum Dominici et Sozane iugalium, et cum auctoritate et consensu dictorum parentum suorum, presentium, consensientium et auctoritatem eorum prestantium, constituta in presencia mei notarii et testium infrascriptorum, sponte, consulte, deliberate, sciens et perfectam scientiam habens dictum Dominicum de Columbo virum ipsius Suzane, et patrem ipsorum Christofori et Iohannis Pellegrini, vendidisse et alienasse et seu vendere et alienare velle quondam domum ipsius Dominici sitam in civitate Ianue, in contrata porte Orivelle.... English literal translation (except for the date): In the name of the Lord, amen. Year of the salutary nativity of the Lord 1473, injunction sixth according to the course of the city of Savona, Saturday the seventh of the month of August. Susanna daughter of Jacob of Fontanarossa in Bisagno and wife of Domenico Colombo from Genoa, and Christopher and Giovanni Pellegrino, sons of the aforesaid consorts Domenico and Susanna, and with the authority and consent of their aforesaid parents, present, in agreement and guaranteeing with their own authority, convened in the presence of myself, a notary, and of the undermentioned witnesses, freely, consult, deliberate,* knowing and been perfectly cognizant that the said Domenico Colombo, husband of the said Susanna and father of the aforesaid Christopher and Giovanni Pellegrini, has sold or alienated or desires to sell and alienate a house of the aforesaid Domenico situated in the city of Genoa, in the street of the Olivella's Gate... この短いPessagnoの結論の要約の後に我々は出来事の年代記の中でGenoa市により刊行された１９３２年作のColomboに到達する。実際には我々の文学の旅はくるっと回ってこの章の最初のGenoaの仕事に帰る。"Dulcis in fundo,"---私はChristopher Columbusの起源に関する研究に重要な貢献をすると思う。私の解釈では、５２５年前の資料（１８３９年の仕事でたぶんGiambattista Belloroにより初めて発表されている）によると、発見者は結婚生活外から生まれ、彼の姓を唱えているが、彼が知らない本当の父に捨てられた事を証明している。１４７３年８月７日Savona発のこのラテン語の資料（公証人Pietro Corsano)の中でSusanna Fontanarossaが、夫のDomenico Colomboが Olivella門近くの Mulcento小路に借っていた家の権利を売ることに、同意している。Susannaは法的な財産継承に５人の内２人と出席している。この２人はCristoforo and Giovanni Pellegrinoで前に述べた夫婦の息子である。夫のDomenico Colomboに加えて、２人の証人すなわち Fontanabuona村出のBartolomeo De Cademartori と Pascuale Di CastagnelloをSusannaは知っていて彼女の代わりに活躍している；これは２ページに渡る公正証書の内容の要約である。原本（そして私の英語訳にも）と以下に示す原本証書の写真のコピーにはっきり示されているが、公証人はCristoforoとGiovanni Pellegrinoの名前と彼らの父権に関する他の重要な文章とを奇妙にも抹殺している。公証人により抹殺された部分のラテン語の写本は In nomine Domini, amen. Anno salutiffere nativitatis eiusdem millesimo quadringentesimo septuagessimo tercio, indicione sexta secundum cursum civitatis Saone, die vero sabati, septima mesis augusti. Sozana filia quondam Iacobi de Fontanarubea de Bezagno et uxor Dominici de Columbo de Ianua, ac Christoforus et Iohannes Pelegrinus filii dictorum Dominici et Sozane iugalium, et cum auctoritate et consensu dictorum parentum suorum, presentium, consensientium et auctoritatem eorum prestantium, constituta in presencia mei notarii et testium infrascriptorum, sponte, consulte, deliberate, sciens et perfectam scientiam habens dictum Dominicum de Columbo virum ipsius Suzane, et patrem ipsorum Christofori et Iohannis Pellegrini, vendidisse et alienasse et seu vendere et alienare velle quondam domum ipsius Dominici sitam in civitate Ianue, in contrata porte Orivelle.... 英語訳 (日付を除く) 神の名のもと、アーメン。西暦１４７３年の有益な出生の年。Savona市の方針による第６勧告命令。８月７日土曜日。 BisagnoのJacob Fontanarossaの娘で Genoaの Domenico Colomboの妻Susannaと、前述の夫婦の息子でのChristopherと Giovanni Pellegrinoは前述の夫婦の権限と同意のもと出席し一致し自分の権限で保証して、公証人の私と下記の証人の出席のもと召集し自由に相談し、慎重に相談し次のことを確認受諾した。すなわちSusannaの夫でChristopher と Giovanni Pellegriniの父Domenico ColomboはGenoa市のOllivella門通りにあるDomenicoの家を売って譲渡したかそうしたい----- となっている。 My interpretation of why the notary has crossed out the names of "Cristoforo and Giovanni Pellegrino" differs significantly from the analysis offered by authoritative scholars of the past, whose reasoning is still generally accepted by historians.　Contrary to previous interpretations, the two children are, as the document clearly indicates, "Cristoforo Pellegrino and Giovanni-Pellegrino"--not "Cristoforo and Giovanni-Pellegrino Colombo," sons of Domenico. It follows, then, that the two abovementioned children are to be identified only as sons of Susanna Fontanarossa, although their mother was, at the time of this deed, married to Domenico Colombo. We must assume then that after Susanna had given birth to Cristoforo and Giovanni, fathered by a man whose last name was Pellegrino, she must later have met Domenico Colombo and probably (as Casoni states) lived with him for some time. Eventually Susanna married Domenico Colombo and in time their union produced three more children, namely Bartolomeo, Giacomo and Bianchettina, who became Cristoforo's half-brothers and half-sister. It can be assumed also that Cristoforo later on became generally recognized as the son of Domenico Colombo, as indeed the two witnesses in the deed testified to the best of their knowledge. Why did the notary cross out the names of "Cristoforo and Giovanni Pellegrino?" I reason it was because Domenico Colombo had not legally adopted them. The notary has left intact, in fact, the name of the mother, but significantly crossed out the words establishing Domenico Colombo as the father of the two children: ...at patrem ipsorum Christofori et Johannis Pellegrini... ...and father of the aforesaid Christopher and Giovanni Pellegrini... At the end of the deed, the notary recorded, without further cancellations, the presence of the two children as agreeing and consenting to the sale. For an explanation why the other three children of Susanna and Domenico were not included in the transaction, I refer readers to the following explanations offered by scholars: In 1896 (Comm. Colombiana, parte 2, vol. I, p. 32), Marcello Staglieno states, for example, that Giacomo, being at the time (i.e., 1473) less than 18 years old, was not yet of legal age. In considering the omission of Bartolomeo's name from the deed, Staglieno argues only that he must have been out of the country ("certainly he was not in Savona."). The scholar does not mention the absence of Bianchettina's name, but my own research shows that as a daughter, she possessed no rights of entitlement (in Liguria, daughters, according to Roman law, were not heirs to their father). Staglieno offers no reason why the notary crossed out critical passages of the deed, presumably not wishing to engage in a critical examination of a document so potentially controversial. However, he did record the fact that Cesare De Lollis, another historical luminary, did not agree that Bartolomeo was out of the country. De Lollis had asserted, in fact, that according to a deed of Savona, dated June 16, 1480 Not. Ansaldo Basso, Bartolomeo was still in town because on that date (7 years later) Domenico had given power of attorney to him. However, neither Staglieno nor De Lollis, in their apparent squabble, focus attention to the real issue in the document, which is not whether Bartolomeo was in or out of town, but why the two children are given the last name of Pellegrino. This clearly documented fact simply cannot be ignored or deflected by scholars. どうして公証人がCristoforo and Giovanni Pellegrinoの名前を削除したのかに関する私の説明は、いまだに歴史家に常識的とされる過去の権威有る学者による分析とは著しく異なっている。以前の説明とは対称的に、資料がはっきりと説明しているように、２人の子供は"Cristoforo Pellegrino と Giovanni-Pellegrino"で、Domenicoの息子の"Cristoforo and Giovanni-Pellegrino Colombo,"ではない。そうすると、この証書作成時はSusannaはDomenico Colomboと結婚していた事に成っているのだが、２人の上記の子供はSusanna Fontanrossaの子供としてのみ同定される。そこで我々はSusannaがPellegrinoと言う姓の男との間に Cristoforoと Giovanniを産んだ後、Domenico Colomboに後にめぐり会い（Casoniが言うように）たぶんしばらく彼と一緒に暮らしたものと推測せねば成らない。結果としてSusannaはDomenico Colomboと結婚してやがて更に３人の子供（Bartolomeo とGiacomoと Bianchettina)ができ、Cristoforoにとっては父違いの兄弟姉妹となる。実際証書の中で２人の証人が知る限りを立証した様にCristoforoは後にDomenico Colomboの息子として一般的に認められる様になったと推測される。どうして公証人は"Cristoforo と Giovanni Pellegrino名前を抹殺したのだろうか？それはDomenico Colomboが彼らを法的に息子としなかった為と思われる。実際に公証人は母の名前はそのままにし、Domenico Colomboが２人の子供の父となる言葉は厳しく抹殺した。；  ...そして先に述べた Christopher and Giovanni Pellegriniの父...証書の最後に公証人は売却に同意し認める２人の子供の存在を、更に消すことなく、記録した。譲渡の際にSusannnaと Domenicoの他の３人の子供達がなぜ含まれなかったのかの説明に対しては、読者の皆さんに学者達が出した次の様な説明を参照される事をすすめます。 たとえば１８９６年(Comm. Colombiana, parte 2, vol. I, p. 32)にMarcello Staglienoは１４７３年にGiacomoは１８歳以下で法的な年令でなかったと述べている。証書からBartolomeoの名前が抜けていた事に関しては、Staglienoは彼は国を出ていたに違いないと主張している（確かにSavonaには居なかった）。学者達はBianchettinaの名前がない事については述べていないが、我々の研究では娘であるため受ける権利を所有していなかった事を示している（Liguriaではローマの法律に則り娘は父の継承者には成れなかった）。Staglienoはどうして公証人が証書の重要なくだりを抹殺したのか説明していない。これはたぶん論議の可能性のある証書について触りたくなかったためであろう。しかし彼は、歴史の権威者Cesare De LollisがBartolomeoが国を出ていた事を認めていない事を記録している。De Lollisは１４８０年の６月１６日付けのSavonaの証書（公証人Ansaldo Basso）より、Bartolomeoは、その日にDomenicoが彼に委任状を与えていたので、町に居たと主張している。しかしStaglieno と De Lollisのどちらも口論の中で、Bartolomeoが町に居たか居なかったかと言う資料の中の本当の論点に注意を払わず、なぜ２人の子供の姓がPellegrinoなのかと言う事に注意を注いでいた。このはっきりと資料に裏付けられた事実を学者達に簡単に無視されはずされる事はできないのである。 Henry Vignaud considered this critical document in his London work of 1903, titled Critical Study.... After explaining the general content of the deed, Vignaud then presents only the first part of the passages which were crossed out by the notary: ...Christopher and Giovanni Pellegrino, sons of the said couple Domenico and Susanne and with the permission and consent of the said parents, present, consenting, and authorising... His opinion of the notary's reason for crossing out this particular passage is stated as follows: Thus the notary, after thinking it was well to stipulate that it was with the sanction of their parents that Christopher and Pellegrino convey their consent to the intended sale, judged this formality needless and suppressed it. Having offered an acceptable reason for the cancellation by the notary, Vignaud does not elaborate further, and offers no analysis of the other deleted passages. But if we examine more closely the crossed-out section of the deed presented by Vignaud, we see that the following words were also deleted: ...the said parents, present... Vignaud`s interpretation does not take into account the real legal motive prompting the notary to cancel out the phrase attesting the presence of "the said parents..."--the parents were not in fact present, only the mother Susanna! Vignaud also failed to bring into clear perspective the most salient passage crossed out by the notary: ...and father of the aforesaid Christopher and Giovanni Pellegrini... In essence, precisely the passage which clearly indicates Domenico was not the father! In the final analysis, then, Vignaud offers at best only a partial interpretation, obscuring or refusing to deal fully with the real content and significance of the deed. Let us now explore the opinion of the expert documentarist Henry Harrisse. As we shall see, this task is difficult insofar as Harrisse couches his interpretation in language which is evasive and philosophically cryptic in the extreme, obviously reflecting the scholar's desire, in spite of his elaboarate disclaimers, not to upset the status quo of canonical interpretations. Consider the following quote from his Christopher Columbus and the Bank of Saint George, New York, 1888, p. 74: Yet the human mind is so constituted that it is materially impossible to make tabula rasa (to forget) of all previous knowledge. What we need to guard against, therefore, is that the document should be made to tally (agree) a priori (first) with what is already known. On the contrary, it is the information that we possess (what we believe is the truth) which must a posteriori (afterward) tally (agree) with the document. Now everybody is aware (believes) that Domenico Colombo had not two children only, but five, viz., Cristoforo, Giovanni-Pellegrini, Bartolomeo, Diego, and a daughter, Bianchinetta, married to a cheesemonger called Bavarello. How is it, then, that only two of these children are mentioned in the summons? Henry Vignaudは１９０３年に重要な研究----と題するロンドンでの仕事でこの重要な資料について考慮している。資料の内容全般を説明してから、Vignaudは公証人に削除された最初の数節を紹介している。；---.Christopher 並びに Giovanni Pellegrino、Domenicoと Susannaのカップルの息子達、そして両親の許可と約束で、出席し、約束し、権限を与える---.。公証人がこの特別な部分を抹消した理由についての彼の意見は次のごとくである；かくして公証人はChristopherとGiovanni 　Pellegrinoが予定の売却に承諾することは両親が決める事であった事を考えた後に、正式な手続きは不要と判断し削除したと。公証人による削除に対するもっともらしい説明をして、Vignaudは更に詳しく調べず、他の除去された部分の分析をしなかった。しかしVignaudによって出された証書の除去部分をもっと詳しく調べると、次の言葉がまた除去されているのが解る；---申し述べた両親が出席して---。.Vignaudの説明は公証人に両親の出席を承認する言葉を急いで抹殺させる真の法的動機を考慮していない---両親は実際は出席していなく母のSusannaだけであった。又Vignaudは公証人に削除された最も重要な部分を明らかにする事に失敗している；...そして先に述べた Christopher and Giovanni Pellegriniの父......。要はDomenicoが父ではなかった事をはっきり示す文節である。そうして最後の分析の中ではVignaudはせいぜい部分的な説明に終わり、証書の本当の内容と重要性に取り組む事を曖昧にし拒絶した。 それでは専門的証書分析家Henry Harrisseの考えを調べて見ましょう。その内解るように、Harrisseが彼の説明を、正規の翻訳の現状をひっくり返さない様にとの学者の要求にいつもはなかなか応じない人ながらも、明らかに従ってはっきりしないきわめて哲学的で隠された言葉で表現している為、この仕事は難しいことがわかる。１８８８年のNew Yorkにおける彼の出版Christopher Columbus と  Saint George銀行の７４ページからの引用文を考えて見よう。；しかし人の心は全ての以前の知識を忘れさせる事は不可能である。だから我々が守ろうとする事は資料がすでに知られている事とまず意見が一致すべきと言うことである。反対に我々が正しいと信じて所有する情報は後から資料と一致しなければならない。いまやみんながDomenico Colomboはたった２人でなく５人の子供、すなわちCristoforo, Giovanni-Pellegrini, Bartolomeo, Diego, そしてBavarelloと言う名前のチーズ屋に嫁いだ娘の Bianchinettaが有ることを知っている。それなのにこれらの子供の内２人だけが呼び出されているのはどういう事なのだろう？ [Emphasis mine] I have emphasized critical passages and placed interpretive aids inside the parentheses, to aid readers in following Harrisse's argument. What he seems to be saying "with extreme caution" (in order not to upset the well-established scholarly canon based on the fact that Domenico and Susanna had five children while this deed mentions only two)--is that we must contend with these two and forget, for the moment, the other three! Of the two children shown in the deed, Harrisse must certainly have had an opinion about the surprising last name of Pellegrino, but he declines further speculation. On page 78 he returns, in fact, to the subject of our deed, reassuring the reader that the "only one new element" presented in the document is the name of Christopher Columbus' mother: We gather from the present act only one new element for our analysis, viz., the name of Christopher Columbus's mother. [Emphasis mine.] I find it extremely difficult to believe that Henry Harrisse, one of the most expert documentarists of his time, was not aware in 1888 that Susanna, wife of Domenico Colombo, appears in a previous deed dated May 25, 1471, Genova, Notary Francesco Camogli. This deed was published by Giambattista Belloro in his "Revista Critica..., Genova," 1839, pp. 40, 55, and 56. Susanna is identified as "Susanna figlia Del Quondam Giacomo de Fontanarossa e moglie di Domenico Colombo." The "only one new element" in the deed of August 7, 1473 is not Susanna, Christopher's mother, but her son Giovanni-Pellegrino whose name does not appear in any other deed! In my opinion, the four abovementioned scholars simply could not conceive or, if so, could not reveal the simple fact established by this unique deed, namely that Christopher Columbus' real name was, in fact, Christopher Pellegrino. Instead they chose to agree, on paper at least, to a child with two hyphenated first names, called "Giovanni-Pellegrino." This curious concoction can only be understood, if not exactly justified, if we consider the general unwillingness of 19th century scholars to upset the established Columbian canon, risk their academic reputations, and create chaos in the great mosaic of synchronous deeds so laboriously assembled in Genova and Savona on the genealogy of Christopher Columbus. The only question which remains is when Cristoforo Pellegrino called himself "Cristoforo Colombo." One must assume naturally that when Christopher grew to adulthood in Italy and needed credentials, he would identify himself as the son of Domenico Colombo. Three notarial deeds exist, in fact, in which Christopher, in the presence of witnesses, identified himself precisely in this manner. With respect to the testimony of these witnesses, however, it must be kept in perspective that witnesses testify "only to the best of their knowledge." These documents consist of three legal deeds, all related to debts incurred by Christopher. The first dated in Genova, September 22, 1470, Not. Giacomo Calvi., reveals a 19-year old Christopher stipulating a compromise for a debt incurred by him and his father Domenico Colombo. The second dated Fossatello, October 31, 1470 Not. Nicola Raggio (a Staglieno find of 1887), finds Christopher declaring himself to be older than 19 years of age. The future discoverer is here engaged in a business deal with a certain Pietro Balesio of Porto Maurizio (located on the coast, some 46 miles west of Savona), binding himself to pay him "48 lire, 13 soldi, and 6 denari di Genova" within one year as settlement for a quantity of wine received by him and his father Domenico. In addition to woolweaver, this document indicates that Christopher moonlighted as a sailor on coastal voyages in the Riviera, and got Domenico to guarantee his affairs, eventually leading to Domenico's involvement as a tavernkeeper in Savona. （私の強調点） 私は重要な文節を強調して、Harrisseの主張に従う読者に役立つようにカッコの中に解りやすい手助けを加えた。彼が非常に注意して言いたい事は（この証書は２人と述べているのに、Domenico とSusannaは５人の子供が有るという事実から、すでに完成した学者達の成典をひっくり返さない様に）この２人に取り組んで他の３人はしばらく忘れろと言う事である。証書に示された２人の子供についてHarrisseは確かにびっくりするようなPellegrinoと言う姓に関して持論を持っていたに違いない。しかし彼はそれ以上は述べなかった。７８ページで彼は我々の証書の事に帰って、証書の中に記された唯一新しい事はコロンブスの母の名前であると読者に安堵させている。;我々はこの章から我々の分析の為にただ一つ新しい情報を得ている。それはChristopher Columbusの母の名前である。（私の強調点）最も専門的な資料解読者の一人であったHenry Harrisseが１８８８年に、Domenico Colomboの妻 Susannaが１４７１年５月２５日付けの以前の証書（Genoaの公証人Francesco Camogli)に出ている事に気づかなかったと言う事は非常に信じがたい事と私は思う。この証書は Giambattista Belloroにより１８３９年にGenoaで"Revista Critica...,と言う本で出版され、そのページ４０，５５，５６にSusannaは"Susanna figlia Del Quondam Giacomo de Fontanarossa e moglie di Domenico Colombo."と記述されている。１４７３年８月７日の証書でただ一つ新しい事はChristopher の母Susannaの事ではなく、彼女の息子の Giovanni-Pellegrinoで他の証書にはその名前が全くなかった物である。私の考えでは先に述べた４人の学者はこのちょっと変わった証書により解った簡単な事実、すなわちChristopher Columbusの本当の名前はChristopher Pellegrinoであったと言う事を認めず、もし認めても、表示出来なかったと思われる。その代わり彼らは少なくとも書面上は"Giovanni-Pellegrino."と呼ばれるハイフォン入りの二つの名前を持つ子供と言う事で一致した。もし我々が、１９世紀の学者は確立されたコロンブスに関する規範をひっくり返したり、彼らの学術的評判を危険にさらしたり、Christopher Columbusの家系図に関するGenoa とSavonaで精力的に集められた同時期の証書をむちゃくちゃにしたくない気持ちを考えるなら、この奇妙な混ぜあわせは、たとえ認められなくとも理解できるものである。残っているただ一つの質問は、Cristoforo Pellegrinoは自分をCristoforo Colomboといつ呼んだかである。Christopherがイタリアで大人に成って証明書を必要とした時彼は自分をDomenico Colomboの息子としたのだろうと人は自然に考えるに違いない。事実３っつの公正証書があり、その中でChristopherは証人が居るところではそんな風に自分を正確に同定していた。しかしこれらの証人の証言に関しては、証人がただ自分の知りうる限りにおいて証言している事を目に止めて置かなければならない。これらの資料は３っつの法的証書からなって、すべてChristopherによりもたらされた借金の事に関してである。最初のは１４７０年９月２２日Genoa発（公証人 Giacomo Calvi）で、１９才のChristopherが彼と父Domenico Colomboの借金の示談を明記している。Staglienoが１８８７年に見つけた２番目は、１４７０年１０月３１日Fossatello発（公証人 Nicola Raggio）でChristopherは１９才以上である事を宣誓している。将来の発見者はここでPorto Maurizio（Savonaの西４６マイルの沿岸にある）のPietro Balesioと一緒に４８リラ１３ソルディ６デナリの給料で、彼とDomenicoが手に入れた大量のワインの支払いとして１年限りの、仕事をしている。毛織物工に加えてChristopherは Riviera沿岸航海の水夫として副業に従事し、 Domenicoを彼の保証人とし結果的にはSavonaの宿屋の管理人に誘い込んでいる。 The third deed of August 26, 1472, Savona, not. Tommaso del Zocco, has Domenico Colombo, wool-weaver, living in Savona, and his son Cristoforo declare to owe to Giovanni Signorio "50 lire di Genovini" for 7 "Cantari" (circa 172 lbs. each) for wool sold to them. From the deed of August 26, 1472, Christopher is not found in any other deed until 1479 (except the one of August 7, 1473). During this period from 1473 to 1479, Christopher was at sea, and we have no record of how he called himself. Once he arrived in Portugal, we know that he dropped the last name of Colombo and came to be known variously as Colonus, Colon and Colom. In 1479, the navigator briefly returned to Genova, summoned there by a controversy between Lodisio Centurione and the two brothers Paolo and Cassano Di Negro. We know this from a deed dated in Genoa, dated August 25, 1479, not. Gerolamo Ventimiglia (Assereto find, published 1904). Here Christopher Columbus declares himself to be "approximately" 27 years old. Peculiarly for a legal deed, this document does not indicate the paternity of Christopher. Why this omission of paternity? Because Christopher no longer lived in Italy, and therefore, I believe, had no further need of Domenico Colombo's patronage. Furthermore, he had no further reason to fear that by dropping his acquired paternity of Domenico, he would offend or dishonor in some way his stepfather. One assumes also that Domenico could have been sensitive about his wife's previous relationship with Pellegrino, and that whenever in Italy Christopher "renamed himself Colombo" in deference to Domenico. We know that Domenico was still alive from his presence in documents until September 30, 1494, Genoa, not. Giovanni Battista Passirola. So far as known, Christopher never used the name of Colombo after he left Genoa. He adopted instead various aliases: Colonus, Colon, Colom, or Colomo. Finally, all of the aliases, the assumed names, are abandoned after the great discovery of 1492 achieves his status and wide recognition. A last name was no longer of importance; the mysterious cryptic signature appeared, "Xpo Ferens," Christopher as the carrier of Christ. The Admiral frequently compared himself to David, and most particularly with Moses, a kindred soul born out of wedlock and also abandoned by his beloved father, but who pursues his great destiny under the tutelage of a spiritual father. At this time, Christopher feels the need to detach himself from secular names and to create a new name which identifies him with the world of the Holy Trinity. However, the most compelling evidence we have affirming that Domenico was not Christopher's father comes from the Historie... of Fernando. In Chapter II, specifically titled, "Who were the father and mother of the Admiral...", Fernando fails to reveal their names. Finally, 71 chapters later (Chapter LXXIII), in the course of describing the Admiral's entrance into Sto Domingo, he curiously reveals that Domenico was the father of Bartolomeo. If Domenico had also been the father of Christopher, why could not Fernando state this simple fact in Chapter II, specifically dedicated to the Admiral's mother and father? Let us examine the crucial passages in Fernando's account of his father's entrance into the harbor of Sto. Domingo: ...therefore to the end his (the Admiral's) provisions might not fail him in time of need, he stood to the eastward of Santo Domingo, into which harbor he sailed on the 30th of August; for here the Lieutenant his brother (Bartolomeo) had appointed the city to be built on the east-side of the river, where it stands at present, and was called Santo Domingo in memory of his father, whose name was Domenico. [Emphasis mine.] Here, in specifying Domenico "as his father" and not their father, Fernando clearly and unequivocally denotes Domenico as the father of Bartolomeo, and not of Christopher, a statement which has generally been misinterpreted by scholars. In Chapter I, Fernando invokes the aliases of his father and mused on the extraordinary mysteries of his genealogy: ...and so he (the Admiral) called himself "Colon." Considering this fact, I believe that, since the major part of his undertakings were the work of some mystery, so what concerns his name and last name it did not come without mystery. [Emphasis mine.] In concluding this critical study on the origin of Christopher Columbus, I would like once more to emphasize that the curious deed of August 7, 1473, offers the final clue to the mysterious paternity of the discoverer. Years ago, when I first undertook the task of examining and analyzing the marvelous mosaic of undoubtedly authentic deeds from the State Archives of Genoa and Savona, I was immediately aware this one enigmatic deed did not fit into the pattern so carefully laid out by scholars; and yet I, like other scholars, felt captivated by its outstanding features. However, unlike them, I have tried to explain and articulate its uniqueness, rather than attempting to ignore its supposed discrepancies from the already perfected and synchronous documentation. In doing so, I feel confident that my expanded interpretation is essentially correct. I believe that far from adding more mystery to the origin of Columbus, my critical study reveals the final key to Christopher Pellegrino's quincentennial secret. A secret which he carried within himself all of his life, feeling it so great a burden that he devised strange and esoteric strategies to conceal it from the world.2 １４７２年８月２６日の３番目の資料（Savona発、公証人 Tommaso del Zocco）はSavonaに住んでいる毛織物工Domenico Colombo と彼の息子CristoforoはGiovanni Signorio に対して、 彼らが買った7 "Cantari" (circa 172 lbs. each)の羊毛に対して "50 リラ di Genovini"の 借金があると宣誓している。この３番目の証書から１４７９年までChristopherは他の証書（１４７３年８月７日の物を除いて）に名前が出てこない。この１４７３年から１４７９年までChristopherは海に出ており自分を何と名乗ったか解らない。彼がポルトガルについてからはColomboと言う姓を捨てColonus, Colon そして Colomなど色々に知られるようになった。１４７９年に彼はちょっとGenoaに帰って 、Lodisio Centurione と２人の兄弟 Paolo and Cassano Di Negroとの論争に呼び出されている。我々はこの事を１４７９年８月２５日付けのGenoa発の公正証書（公証人Gerolamo VentimigliaでAsseretoが１９０４年に発刊している）から知った。ここでChristopherは自分を約２７才と宣言している。法的証書にしては奇妙にもこの証書はChristopherの父系については何も述べていない。父系の省略はなぜだろう？なぜならChristopherはもうイタリアには住んでおらず、Domenico Colomboの保護の必要性はなかったためと思われる。更にDomenicoから与えられた姓を捨てる事によって幾分義理の父に抵抗し不名誉を与える事を、彼はもう恐れる心配はなかったからである。Domenicoは妻の前の夫 Pellegrinoとの関係にたぶん敏感であったし、イタリアに居る時はいつもChristopherはDomenicoの手前上Colomboと再名乗りをしていたと皆さんは推測するでしょう。Domenicoは１４９４年９月３０日まで証書 （Genoa発公証人 Giovanni Battista Passirola.）の記載により生きていた。知られる限りではChristopherは Genoaを去ってからColomboと言う名前を使用していない。その代わり色々な姓を使っている； Colonus, Colon, Colom, 又は Colomoなど。最後にはこれらの別姓や仮称の名前は、１４９８年の大発見で彼の地位が確立され広く知れ渡ってからは、捨てられている。姓はもはや重要でなかった。謎に隠されたキリストを運ぶchristopherと言う意の著名"Xpo Ferens,"が現れた。提督はしばしば自分をDavid（ダビデ）と比べ、そして特にモーゼとも比べて、結婚生活者以外から生まれ愛する父親に捨てられながらも育ての父親の保護のもとで彼の使命を遂行すると言う類似点を上げている。この頃Christopherは世俗的な名前から離れて、父　子　聖霊の三位一体の神Trinityの世界で自分が同定できる新しい名前の必要性を感じている。DomenicoがChristopherの父ではなかったと言う事を確認する最も驚くべき証拠はFernandoの歴史書から得られている。第２章に、提督の父と母は誰だったのかと言う特別な題で、Fernandoは彼らの名前を挙げていない。結局７３章で提督がSt. Domingoに入港する事を記述する課程で、彼は奇妙にもDomenicoはBartolomeoの父であったと記述している。もしDomenicoが Christopherの父でもあるなら、なぜこの簡単な事実をFernandoは提督の父母に捧げられた第２章で述べる事が出来なかったのだろうか。　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　彼の父がSt. Domingo港へ入港する時のFernandoの記載の重要な文節を検証をしてみましょう。；---そこで彼の非常食が必要な時に困らないまでSt. Domingoの東側に停泊し、８月３０日に入港している。ここで副隊長の弟Bartromeoの為に川の東側に町を作る約束をした。町は今も存続し彼の父DomenicoにちなんでSt.Domingoと呼ばれている。（私の強調点）Domenicoを彼らとせず彼の父と特定して、学者達には一般的には誤訳されているのだが、Fernandoははっきりと間違いなくDomenicoをBartolomeoの父とし、Christopherの父でないとしている。第１章でFernandoは父の別称について述べ彼の家系図のとんでもない謎について感慨を込めて言っている。；----だから提督は自分をColonと呼んだ。この事を考えると彼が行った仕事の大部分はいくつかの謎についてであるので彼の名前や姓に関しては謎無くしては出てこないと私は思う。（私の強調点） Christopher Columbusの出所に関するこの重要な研究を終わるにあたり、私はもう一度１４７３年８月７日の興味ある証書が発見者の謎の父への最後の手掛かりを与えている事を強調したい。何年も前に、Savonaと Genoaの国立文書館からの疑いもない本物の資料のすばらしいモザイクを調べて分析する仕事を始めていた時、私はすぐにこの一つの謎の証書が学者達により慎重に作られた物にうまく適合しないのに気づいた。しかし私は他の学者達と同様に目立つ記事に頭を奪われていた。しかし彼らと違って私は既に完成され同意された証明から食い違いがある事を無視しようとしないでその突飛さを説明し関連づけようとした。そうすることで私は自分の拡大した解釈が基本的に正しいと言う自信を持った。コロンブスの起源に謎を更に加えるのでなく私の重要な研究はChristopher Pellegrinoの５００年にわたる謎に最後の手掛かりを与えると信ずる。彼が生涯自分の中に隠していた秘密は、非常な重荷になり、その事を世に隠すために奇妙な秘密の策略を案出したのである。 FINIS 終わり NOTES: 1. Apparently, the original text of Andres Bernaldez was available to Juan Bautista Munoz who, in his 1793 work titled Historia del Nuevo Mundo, p. VIII, states that it was "...lo texto original, casi integro..." (...the original text, almost integral...). Munoz sets the year of birth for C.C. in 1446 (Libro II, p. 42). 2. As an interesting coincidence, I have noticed that in the Jewish cemetery of Modena there is an early 20th century sepulchre of one Jacobo Pellegrino. This fact could be interpreted to mean that Cristoforo Pellegrino's father could have been of Jewish origin. To contact the author, send mail to: 注意： １．明らかにAndres Bernaldezの原著はJuan Bautista Munozに使用され彼の１７９３年のHistoria del Nuevo Mundo, p. VIII,と題する論文のなかでそれは"...lo texto original, casi integro..."（原著、ほとんど完全な---）であったと述べられている。MunozはChristopher Columbusの出生を１４４６年としている。 ２．興味深い偶然として私はＭodenaのユダヤ人墓地でJacobo Pellegrinoと言う２０世紀初期の墓を見つけた。この事はCristoforo Pellegrinoの父はユダヤ起源であると解釈できる。 著者への御用は以下に手紙を下さい： Tagliattini & Associates 405 East 56 Str. #4A New York NY 10022 ★☆★☆---